You Break it, you own it: A pragmatic Approach to the Haitian Crisis

Haiti is facing a severe crisis and by all measures could be considered a failed state. Its economy is in ruins, there are no elected officials, and the de facto prime minister, Ariel Henry, and his government are unable to fulfill the basic duties of governing. This has left Haitian citizens vulnerable to the gangs that have taken over the government's role in many areas. The Haiti crisis has also become a concern for neighboring countries.

It is difficult to see a way out of the Haiti crisis. In this paper, I suggest that a pragmatic approach is to hold those responsible for the problem accountable for fixing it.

This will require that diaspora activists and their allies across the United States flip the script. Rather than us looking for a solution, we should be holding accountable the regime and its backers in the international community, which includes Canada, France, and the Dominican Republic under US leadership.?

Since they are pushing for elections, it should be their responsibility to mitigate the security challenges to achieve that goal.?

It is the international community that put de facto prime minister Henry in power.?They have maintained and legitimized his administration by leveraging their political (and financial) influence.?Dr. Henry is their man and therefore it is their responsibility to work with him to create a safe environment for the Haitian people. Moreover, since they are pushing for immediate elections, it is their responsibility to mitigate the security challenges to achieve their goal.?

I am proposing that advocates make the following three demands: (1) modify the December 21, 2022, political agreement to include other actors; (2) provide oversight power to the High Transition Council (HTC); and (3) concentrate the country’s resources on the existential security challenge.? To be successful, advocacy and activist groups need to work together. We also need an organization to coordinate the effort. Only one group has the gravitas necessary. The National Association of Haitian Elected Officials Network (NHAEON) is the only group with the reach and legitimacy to influence the fractured Haitian diaspora. They have a historic opportunity to lead this effort.?

You break it, you own it

Former Secretary of State Colin Powell provided an important anecdote, which we can use to analyze the role of the United States and the broader international community in the Haiti crisis.

In an interview on Frontline, Secretary Powell recalled a dinner conversation he had with President Bush in August 2002, where he warned the President of the responsibility the United States would have if they invaded Iraq. He stated: "Mr. President, it isn't simply a matter of going to Baghdad. I understand how to do that. What will occur after? You must be aware that if you eliminate a regime, you are the one responsible for the nation. 28 million Iraqis will be looking at us and I haven't heard enough planning for what will happen then."

Powell's anecdote shows that the US foreign policy establishment is conservative and rational, and prefers to collaborate with civil society organizations and local political figures to achieve policy goals. It also provides an important lesson and insight into how the US responds to global crises.? This lesson is of particular salience for Haiti, which, under any measure, cannot be considered a strategic interest for the US.?

Haitians are justified in feeling that President Biden's policies toward them are similar to those of President Trump. However, in important ways, Biden's policies differ from those of his predecessor.? Trump's approach to immigrants, including Haitians, was rooted in xenophobia and populism. Conversely, Biden has spoken of immigrants in a more sympathetic light, comparing them to his ancestors. He has also pursued a more practical foreign policy.? His administration has expanded the Temporary Protected Status (TPS) program for more than 100,000 Haitians.? More recently, they introduced the Cuban, Haitian, Nicaraguan, or Venezuelan (HNCV) parole program, which will provide travel authorization for to up to 30,000 individuals from those countries to come to the United States each month.

While immigration is viewed as a third rail of American politics, it is considered by all to be a vital national security issue.? Oddly, the US and its partners’ foreign policies are often the cause of mass emigration.

President Biden has faced tremendous political pressure from the Republicans due to the large influx of migrants along the US-Mexico border.? Even as his administration fought against the Trump-era title 42 policy, it has responded to the fraught immigration issue by deporting over 22,000 Haitians back to Haiti.? His administration has increased the number of migrants who can enter the US legally while limiting access to the fundamental right to seek asylum if they show up at the US-Mexico border. While immigration is viewed as a third rail of American politics, it is considered by all to be a vital national security issue.? Oddly, the US and its partners’ foreign policies are often the cause of mass emigration.

Tackling the quagmire

Haiti’s political actors' lack of action has enabled criminal gangs to act with impunity. Gang leaders like Jimmy Cherizier, alias “Barbeque,” Joseph Wilson, alias “Lanmò San Jou,”? Vitel’homme Innocent, and Renel Destina, alias “Ti Lapli,” have displaced the state.? They conduct orderly food distribution and manage water and electric power distribution.? They have set up toll payments at all the entry points in and out of the capital, collect taxes from businesses and individuals, and maintain overall public order in the respective areas under their control.

This has serious implications for Haiti and its neighbors in the Caribbean, as well as the US.? Indeed, Haiti is becoming a key trans-shipment point for weapons, drugs, and human trafficking. Consequently, it represents a risk for its neighbors that can destabilize their internal political systems.??

While Haitians tend to believe the US wants to intervene in Haiti, the US political reality does not support such a policy.?

While Haitians tend to believe the US wants to intervene in Haiti, the US political reality does not support such a policy.? President Biden is aware of the enormous expenses – economic and political – that come with military intervention. US involvement in Vietnam, Grenada, and Somalia have shown the potential dangers that can arise from such foreign policy decisions.

As a result, his options in Haiti are limited, and he is unwilling to engage the US military in a foreign adventure—especially when it comes to a situation like the one in Haiti. The country is in a state of disarray, with gang activity overtaking the capital and other areas.? The US military and policymakers are surely wary of getting stuck in a quagmire.

What is the role of the international community?

The United States, along with Canada, France, and the Dominican Republic – the “Quartet” –? have had – and continue to have – a great influence on Haiti's political system.

This is not a new phenomenon.? Fearing the spread of revolutionary ideas, the US supported the white slaveholders.? It did not recognize Haiti's independence until 1862, more than 37 years after France did.? It invaded and brutally occupied Haiti from 1915 to 1934.? It backed the Duvalier family's 29-year oppressive rule.? And with the support of its partners, Canada, France, and the DR, the US supported the coups against democratically elected President Aristide in 1991.? They brought President Aristide back in 1994 and again orchestrated the second coup against him in 2004.

Former president Moise went on to systematically dismantle the country’s institutions. In the end, he was assassinated in his own home.

The Quartet backed President Jovenel Moise, even though the Haitian people were discontent with his leadership and mobilized against him. For nearly two years, there were sustained protests, which resulted in the “Pays Lock” situation of 2018 and 2019. Moise went on to systematically dismantle the country’s institutions. In the end, he was assassinated in his own home. While Haitians may never know the full story of what happened to President Moise, we can imagine his last thoughts as he was asking for help and not getting it.? Surely, the words of Pastor Martin Niem?ller rang in his mind as he bled in his bedroom: "Then they came for me—and there was no one left to speak for me."

Despite the Haitian people’s protests, the international community and the Haitian political and economic elites have steadfastly maintained their support for Dr. Henry.

As with most other Haitian political leaders, the Quartet selected Ariel Henry as the de facto prime minister of Haiti. Dr. Henry has failed to serve and protect the Haitian people.? Indeed, many argue that the security crisis is not just a failure of governance but a cynical strategy by Henry and his government to remain in power.? Despite the Haitian people’s protests over the past 18 months, the international community and the Haitian political and economic elites have steadfastly maintained their support. The blood of the thousands who have been kidnapped and killed is on their hands.

The US, its international partners, and the anti-Haitian economic and political classes are responsible for the crisis. We must demand that they take accountability for fixing what they broke.

What happened to Haitian civil society?

Haiti has once again made history and is now the only "democracy" in the Western Hemisphere, if not the world, without a single elected representative in office. The current government is illegal, unconstitutional, and illegitimate.? Its disregard for the population and its cynicism is unacceptable and cannot continue.? However, Haitians do not see another option.? The international actors are understandably hesitant to remove Dr. Henry from power, as they worry about who will replace him.? Those who have presented themselves as potential alternatives have not demonstrated either their capacity to tackle the problems or any ability to gain public support.

There was a glimmer of hope.? A group of concerned citizens brought together representatives from civil society organizations and opposition groups to find a “Haitian solution” to restore Haiti’s sovereignty and strengthen its democracy.? They signed an agreement that became known as the Montana Accord.

The Montana Accord's leadership, represented within the Agreement Monitoring Office (BSA), was weakened by its lack of transparency and inclusion.?

Unfortunately, the Montana Accord has faced the same issues of representation and legitimacy as the government it was trying to replace. Its leadership, represented within the Agreement Monitoring Office (BSA), was weakened by its lack of transparency and inclusion.? They became overly confident in the absolute righteousness of their ideas and pushed aside those who did not fit the orthodoxy. The BSA has some intelligent people but somehow they seemed to have quickly forgotten the golden rule of politics, which is deliberative negotiations.? The Montana Accord had no power and no public mandate.? And yet, they seemed to take a take-it-or-leave-it position with de facto prime minister Henry.

The Montana Accord team identified two unsurprising and consistent criticisms: their lack of engagement and communication.

Nearly a year after it was founded, the Montana Accord team identified two unsurprising and consistent criticisms: their lack of engagement with the majority population, including those living in Port-au-Prince but especially those in the countryside.? The other was their failure to communicate with the public.? Despite this acknowledgment, they continued to operate behind closed doors, with no effort to expand their base.?

The group’s leadership is too insular and its members’ confirmation bias led them to falsely believe that they had the support of all Haitians. They did not!? Today, the Montana accord leadership's lack of pragmatism has relegated the movement to a fringe opposition.

Where do we go from here?

The crisis is a question of both security and governance.? To tackle this existential crisis, we must focus on the collective good and pragmatism. We must maintain the unshakeable belief that a better future is possible.? This future will require legitimate and dependable leaders.? This goal can be obtained only through fair and democratic elections. Given the international community’s determination to keep de facto prime minister Ariel Henry in power, the Haitian-American diaspora, through a coordinated advocacy effort, must demand that the Quartet work with Henry to create a safe environment in which these elections can take place.?

I suggest that we advocate for the following three demands:

1. Altering the December 21, 2022, political agreement to include two additional representatives.? One should come from the Montana Accord and the other from a political party such as Lavalas.
2. Granting oversight powers to the High Transition Council (HTC).? This is paramount because Dr. Henry has centralized too much power as President, Prime Minister, and Minister of the Interior.
3. Including an article in the agreement that requires that half of the public funds be used to finance and equip the police.

The situation in Haiti is deteriorating at an alarming rate.? Haiti’s corrupt political leaders and economic actors, with the support of the international community, have destroyed the country’s institutions.? As a result, Haiti stands alone in the West without a single elected leader.

The Quartet – Canada, France, and the Dominican Republic led by the US – leveraged their extensive influence over the illegitimate and de facto Henry government.

It is time to tackle the crisis with the urgency it requires.? As advocates, and with the support of our friends and allies, we need to develop pragmatic solutions to the crisis.? One such proposal is to press the Quartet – Canada, France, and the Dominican Republic led by the US – to leverage their extensive influence over the illegitimate and de facto Henry government.? This will mean boots on the grounds.??

As I argued in a previous article “The moral challenge of military interventions,” the international community will have to provide more than just financial and technical support to the National Haitian Police (PNH).? Haiti’s police force lacks not only equipment but also does not have sufficient manpower to clear gang areas and hold them long enough for citizens to feel safe enough to return.?

Haiti needs a well-trained, well-equipped, and well-paid specialized Haitian police unit to take the lead in fighting the gangs.

My proposal in the article was to have a well-trained, well-equipped, and well-paid specialized Haitian police unit take the lead in fighting the gangs. Any international force would be embedded within police stations manned by the regular police. Their goal would be to hold areas the specialized units have cleared and provide a space for the implementation of social and economic development programs.? The Haitian diaspora could also play an important role whether as former police officers, soldiers, or policy and development experts.

Why should NHAEON lead the advocacy effort?

NHAEON, the association of current and formerly elected Haitian-Americans is the only national organization that has the reach to engage the US diaspora. The diaspora is fractured and the NHAEON members do not all represent Haitian constituents.? Nonetheless, as a national coalition of Haitian elected officials, NHAEON has a historic opportunity to lead this effort.???

There are three reasons for NHAEON to take this important role in the diaspora.

Firstly, NHAEON is a network of Haitian American elected officials with a specific focus on advancing issues and policies that impact the Haitian community. As elected officials of Haitian descent, they have the authority and legitimacy to represent the interests of the Haitian diaspora. They are as close to the ground as democracy gets, highly visible in their communities, and provide enormous touch points with their homeland of Haiti. Indeed, NHAEON has been called upon in the past to serve as the interlocutor and bridge between the diaspora and the US foreign affairs establishment.

Secondly, the Haitian diaspora community is heterogeneous.? There are far many disparate groups making often countervailing arguments and demands.? NHAEON has the potential to provide the necessary structure and coordination to effectively mobilize Haitian activists and their allies to address the crisis in Haiti.???

Thirdly, NHAEON’s access to the US executive branch and its members’ expertise in governance and policy can be beneficial in tapping into the U.S.’s interests and the mechanisms that could address the Haitian security crisis.

Overall, while NHAEON may not be the only organization that can provide leadership for the Haitian diaspora, their unique perspective and expertise as elected officials can make them a valuable asset in addressing the challenges facing the Haitian community. By taking on this leadership role, NHAEON can work with other groups to organize an effective national-level advocacy campaign. This can increase the chances of successfully pushing for the demands necessary to create a safe environment for the Haitian people and pave the way for future elections.