Why women should have hope towards the CoP29 in Baku?
Have you ever felt that global conferences (including the Climate ones) are lengthy negotiations that do not match the urgency required by the problems they try to solve? That they are spaces where an abundant volume of data in a sea of statistics suffocates actions and erodes our trust?
Why should we believe that CoP29 will overcome challenges such as framing gender equality as an afterthought, or making superficial commitments that will be critically underfunded?
After two days of intense reflections in Istanbul, at the UNDP-OECD Cross-Regional Dialogue on gender equality and climate action, I have some hope.
We know that?the arc of progress towards gender equality is not linear. The context where we operate – war, conflict, climate-change included- but also social and political backlash are putting a “resistance fortress” against gender equality. Also, in parallel and interconnected,?there are still pockets of skepticism,?and misinformation spread the framing of climate policies as threats to economic stability.?Fossil fuel industries, heavy manufacture industries, or some sectors of political groups – to mention a few- resist.
The good news is that, according to landmark UNDP public opinion research across 77 countries, 80% of people globally want their governments to take stronger climate action. The vast majority, including those living in the biggest greenhouse gas emitters, support stronger climate action.
Interestingly, women -more than men- are increasingly worried about climate change, they tend to think about it more often, are less satisfied with their country’s efforts and want stronger climate commitments compared with men (a difference as high as 10 to 17 percentage points).
That’s how I would like to open this blog. With a message of hope. Citizens are the source of power of governments, and citizens and women in particular want stronger climate actions.
It means there is an appetite to reimagine a greener future. To do it right, we need to ask ourselves simple questions like: will?women benefit equally from this greener future??Will this shift help women to have higher-paid jobs, more stable and fulfilling, decent jobs??Will this help them to take control of their lives, to have better quality of life, and to decide about the future of their countries??
?The answer is yes: yes, if level of ambition of governments is high; yes, if countries adopt strong new policies?and programmes – but also specific goals and targets- and embed justice and equality within them, with budgets;?and finally, yes, only if women are also at the helm?of the design of these climate actions -policies and programmes. Yes,?only if women co-lead the change.??
?While there is hope, – recently, the International Energy Agency- released its 2024 World Energy Outlook report flagging how for the first time electric energy is in higher demand than fossil fuels- at the same time, this transition has already started and we are already late. By 2050, climate change may push up to 158 million women and girls against poverty – 16 billion more than men and boys.?This will be the consequence of systemic failures.
?Climate change is the multiplier that undoes progress fastest, and worst. What can we do? UNDP identified at least 3 elements that can drive significant change and tackle these systemic failures:?
?The FIRST ONE,?is about?States Readiness: A Crucial Element for Climate Action
State readiness is often treated as a last-minute consideration, yet effective climate action requires substantial investment in reforming policies and the institutional ecosystems that implement them. Public institutions face significant challenges, including the need for gender specialists, reliable data, intersectoral coordination, budget constraints, and institutional frameworks that are not conducive to gender equality. Meaningful engagement with women’s organizations is also essential.
However, recent developments show progress. For example, the latest round of countries’ Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) reveals a growing recognition of the linkages between gender equality and climate issues, a significant improvement compared to previous years.
UNDP’s “Climate Promise” program is helping countries systematically integrate gender equality into their NDCs, focusing on three main areas: effective governance, planning, and integrated policy frameworks. Of the 120 updated NDCs supported by UNDP’s Climate Promise, 106 mention women or gender—an increase from just 51 in the first generation.
Remarkably, there are now specific sectoral mentions of gender equality, with 73 NDCs referencing it in adaptation sectors and 53 in mitigation sectors. This represents a significant shift from the initial generic acknowledgment of gender equality as a cross-cutting issue in the first generation of NDCs.
Additionally, 27 NDCs now recognize national gender institutions as integral to climate change governance structures. While this is still insufficient, it marks a departure from the previous view that such issues were solely the responsibility of Ministries of Environment and Climate. Furthermore, 25 NDCs now acknowledge the importance of contributions from women’s civil society groups, a recognition that was only present in one NDC before.
However, despite this progress, only 18 plans commit to applying gender-responsive budgeting in climate action. Moldova’s NDC stands out as an exemplary model, seeking to improve women’s access to finance by increasing funding for women’s associations to implement adaptation measures and integrating gender-responsive budgeting into national climate financing. We hope other countries will take note and follow this example!
The question is how can we assist governments in enhancing these NDCs? Our experience over the past few years has shown that cosmetic changes or ad-hoc training are not effective. UNDP supports countries in undertaking comprehensive internal reforms. We work alongside Ministries of Environment, Energy, and related bodies, guiding them through a two-year roadmap to implement a set of international gender standards. This initiative is part of the UNDP Gender Equality Seal Certification program, which have collaborated with over 100 ministries and reached 227,000 public servants.
As we prepare for the upcoming NDC 3.0 process, let’s safeguard theses gains and elevate our ambitions.
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The SECOND element is the?integration of care across climate action.
Let me be bold: women do no have time to be green.
Climate impacts not only increase care work for women disproportionately, but care responsibilities overshadow women’s opportunities to join any future-ready work force. Many times, women cannot even wait in the line to get their food tickets – after a flooding passes- as they need to take care of the kids.
The COVID pandemic put care at the center of the policy discussions, but the truth is that we are still far from connecting care to climate crisis, and climate action. While, in countries with high gender inequality, women can spend 6x more time on care work.
Care considerations should be present in climate decisions. Formal employment, for instance, is based on taking for granted the unpaid care work of women. How is the new green job market going to make a difference?
There is a need for change in our economic paradigm. Many studies show that the benefits of investing in care do not permeate decision makers because the contribution of care to the economy is not present in any major economic indicators. While countries like Canada, for example, have demonstrated that investments in care not only brought them increases in tax revenues that surpassed their costs, it also increased GDP growth, employment generation, and stronger long-term human capital development[1]. Universal access to clean cooking could save women up to 40 hours a week?– to invest in getting ready and learning green technologies to join the new labor market.?
?There is a need for the just transition to recognize care as a public good. At UNDP, we are working with an increasing number of countries to develop and expand comprehensive care systems – for example in 13 countries last year. Much more needs to be done!
The THIRD element- Financing.
Let me start by asking a simple but fundamental question: who has access and control over the green financial resources?
In 2021, green finance exceeded $720 billion[2]. Most of the green finance is channeled via commercial banks and investment vehicles. not adapted to small businesses, where a large proportion of women-led entrepreneurial activity lies—including the informal sector. The truth is that many women do not have credit records, collateral, or their own legal address.
According to data from the IMF [3], public finance reflects this disparity: in Sub Sahara Africa, only a fraction of green finance is gender-responsive, and just a small percentage reaches organizations for women in the Global South. Just about 31 percent of total climate aid is gender-responsive, and just 3 percent had gender equality as a principal objective.?
Even though we know that public budgets will not cover the green transition, UNDP Sustainable Finace Hub is already addressing public finance for SDGs and together with our Global Programme EQUANOMICs we help countries to expand their fiscal space and plan better their income, and also to invest in gender equality.
Finally, a reflection about the last enabler.
We need to dig deeper into the complex work of shifting social norms. This is hard work – because this is about challenging our own biases. 90% of the world’s population—women and men alike – are biased against women, and almost half of the globe (49.3%) believe that men make better political leaders than women do. The data is shocking—and the impacts are too.
?As we approach the CoP 29 and prepare for, let’s ensure our future is not only green – but feminist.
Cate Owren Ivana Zivkovic Marcos Neto Francine Pickup Guillermina Martin Corneliu Eftodi Ciara Daniels Ana Tribin , Ph.D. Cassie Flynn Haoliang Xu Lisa Eveline Williams Riad Meddeb Midori Paxton Sarah H.
[1] See for instance: Future of work (2021) The role of early learning and childcare in rebuilding Canada′s Economy after COVID-19. Available at: https://centreforfuturework.ca/wp-content/uploads/2020/11/ELCC-Report-Formatted-FINAL-FINAL.pdf
[2] Forrester, 2022, Global Green Finance Saw Record Growth In 2021, Exceeding US$720 Billion. TheCity UK and BNP Parisbas, 2022, Green finance: A quantitative assessment of market trends.
[3] Gender Equality and Economic Development in Sub Sahara Africa, Lisa L Kolovich and?Monique Newiak , IMF 2024
International Senior Gender and Social Development Specialist at the World Bank, Gender Lead in Investment Projects/Social Sustainability and Gender Policy Advisor, Global Speaker, Best-selling Author
2 周Many thanks Raquel Lagunas del Amo for this insightful article! It is great to know about the work UNDP does. Looking forward to COP 29.
The European Parliament adopted a resolution condemning Azerbaijan’s human rights violations and breaches of international law, with 453 votes in favor. The resolution criticizes Azerbaijan's repression of opposition leaders, journalists, and civil society, particularly ahead of the #COP29 summit. It calls for the immediate release of political prisoners and urges EU leaders to use COP29 to hold Azerbaijan accountable for its human rights obligations. The resolution stresses that Azerbaijan's human rights record makes it unfit to host the COP 29 summit and calls for the EU to end its dependency on Azerbaijani gas. It urges the suspension of the 2022 energy memorandum unless human rights improvements and the release of political prisoners are ensured. Additionally, the EU should consider sanctions against those threatening Armenia’s sovereignty. The resolution demands Azerbaijan respect Armenia's territorial integrity and withdraw its forces. It also calls for the release of Armenian prisoners of war and compliance with international rulings regarding the Armenians of Artsakh. https://www.europarl.europa.eu/news/it/press-room/20241017IPR24740/meps-denounce-violations-of-human-rights-and-international-law-by-azerbaijan