WHY DO MEN FIGHT WHO WERE BORN TO BE BROTHERS?
Strength of character means the ability to overcome resentment against others, to hide hurt feelings, and to forgive quickly. —Lawrence G. Lovasick
A man’s legacy and position on the pedestal of historical greatness can so easily be tarnished and determined by the most trivial of factors. A poor action, a questionable acquaintance, or a careless dalliance, may cement his legacy, good or bad, for eternity. Fairly or unfairly, many actions that are only mere snapshots in one's life can undo a mountain of great deeds and overshadow an unflinching and lifelong dedication of service and duty.
James Longstreet was a Confederate Lt. General who served throughout The American Civil War. As a South Carolina youth he picked up the nickname "Pete" from his father. Robert E. Lee would affectionately refer to him as his “Old Warhorse.” He was born January 8, 1821, in Edgefield County, South Carolina. He was reared on a southern style cotton plantation. Due to a steady and rock like character his father nicknamed him Peter after Christ's disciple. He was almost always referred to by his fellow officers as simply "Pete".
Through familial connections he was appointed to The U. S. Military Academy at West Point in 1838. He was a poorly performing student and somewhat of a disciplinary problem while a cadet. He would barely graduate in 1842, placing fifty-fourth out of a class total of 64. Despite his academic difficulties, he was well liked by his classmates and befriended these famous names while at the academy: Later Confederate Generals, Daniel H. Hill, Lafayette McLaws, and George Pickett, and later serving Union Generals George Henry Thomas, William S. Rosecrans, John Pope, and Ulysses S. Grant.
After graduation, he was given the rank of Lt. and placed in the infantry where he served alongside Ulysses S. Grant in Missouri. Both served in the Mexican American War from 1846-1848. Longstreet was wounded once though not severely. After that conflict ended, he served as a scout and paymaster in Texas.
He married Maria Louisa Garland in 1848 and would father ten children during their 40 year marriage. His friend, Ulysses S. Grant began to date Julia Dent, Longstreet’s fourth cousin. When Grant married Julia in 1848, it is fairly certain that Longstreet was in attendance. One biographer of Longstreet's stated that Longstreet likely served as Grant’s best man. Though neither mentioned it in their post war memoirs. What is quite certain is Grant and Longstreet shared a close friendship before the Civil War. They would resume that friendship even after four bloody years of war though they chose to fight for different sides.
At the wars outbreak, Longstreet sided with the Confederacy. He was against the concept of secession from the Union. But like many southerners of his time was brought up to be a staunch supporter of States Rights. He was born in South Carolina, but spent many of his formative years in Georgia. He actually signed on with the Confederacy through the State of Alabama since relatives their had helped to secure his appointment to West Point. He officially resigned from the U.S. Army on May 8, 1861 to join the Confederacy.
He was initially commissioned as a Lt. colonel in the Confederate army. But he met with Confederate President Jefferson Davis in June 1861 was promoted to brig. general, and sent to Virginia. He commanded at The Battle of First Bull Run on July 21st 1861 where he performed ably and was promoted to major general on Oct.7th 1861.
He performed solidly during The 1861-1862 Peninsula campaign. On June 1st 1862, at the Battle of Seven Pines, he committed a serious blunder, possibly due to unclear instructions. He ordered his division to march in the wrong direction and down the incorrect road. The mistake diminished any success of a Confederate counterattack. It was during this battle that head commander of the Army of Northern Virginia, Joseph E. Johnston, was severely wounded. He was replaced by Robert E. Lee.
Longstreet redeemed himself at The Seven Days Battle in June 1862. Lee would say of him: “Longstreet was the staff in my right hand.” From that point on Longstreet and Stonewall Jackson were considered Lee’s top two officers.
During this same period, Longstreet experienced terrible personal tragedy. A scarlet fever epidemic swept through his home community and claimed the lives of his 1 year old daughter, 4 year-old son, and 6 year-old son within just a week’s time. His 13 year-old son would barely survive. Longstreet would be greatly changed by the experience. He became very devout in Episcopalian beliefs. He would also become more withdrawn and antisocial. He completely gave up the poker games and drinking that were regular events at his headquarters.
A fitting football analogy can be used here to describe Lee’s Army of Northern Virginia. If Lee was the head coach, then his offensive coordinator was Stonewall Jackson, the attacker and scorer. Longstreet was his defensive coordinator, known for his brilliant defensive tactics and expert use of surrounding terrain. The duo were often referred to as Jackson “the Hammer” and Longstreet “the Anvil.”
Longstreet next commanded at the Battle of Second Bull Run and the bloody Battle of Antietam Maryland. He used his defensive prowess to stave off Union forces that outnumbered his own by a two to one ratio. Lee would again give copious praise to his "Old Warhorse." Longstreet was subsequently promoted to the rank of Lt. general.
Robert E. Lee would again take full advantage of the reticent movements of Union forces. He would out fox them and gain a superior tactical position on the high ground outside of Fredricksburg Virginia late in 1862. A Union force of near 122000 prepared to face a Confederate force near 78000.
On December 11-15 1862 at the Battle of Fredricksburg, Longstreet strategically stationed his men behind a long stonewall on Marye’s Heights. Dug in and possessing adequate fire power, his force held off 14 separate Union assaults. His division inflicted over 7000 Union casualties while suffering only around 1000. Longstreet used the terrain masterfully and placed his command in superior position. The Union army attacked uphill against the well fortified position advancing across open ground. They suffered a devastating defeat. The final casualty counts were over 12000 Union and 5300 Confederate.
It was here that Robert E. Lee would famously quote: "It is well that war is so terrible, or we should grow too fond of it".
With the death of Stonewall Jackson at The Battle of Chancellorsville in May of 1863, Lee and Longstreet met to discuss future military plans. Longstreet wanted to take a purely defensive stand, lobbying to send part of his command to the Western theater and aid in saving the Confederate stronghold at Vicksburg Mississippi. But Lee wanted to play offense. He planned an aggressive invasion of the North. Lee’s ultimate goal was to march upon Washington D.C. in a bid to force the Union government to sue for peace. It was a brilliant yet risky plan. It would ultimately run into one major road block, a very big one called Gettysburg.
Longstreet's justification for sending forces west became more urgent as Union Maj. Gen. Ulysses S. Grant was advancing swiftly on the critical Confederate stronghold at Vicksburg. Longstreet argued that a reinforced army under Lt. General Braxton Bragg could defeat Union Lt. General William S.Rosecrans force. Then Confederate forces could drive north to the Ohio River, compelling Grant to withdraw his forces away from Vicksburg.
Lee's plan was ultimately decided upon. But fate began to deal cruel blows to the Confederacy, due to several factors that coalesced to foil Lee’s plan. Had communications been clearer at Gettysburg, the south likely would have won the battle and possibly the war. They were already at the doorstep of D.C.. A victory at Gettysburg would have sent them knocking on the White House door.
At Gettysburg, Longstreet true to his nature, again wanted to play defense. But Lee wanted to be more aggressive. Lee ordered Longstreet to attack on the morning of July 2 1863. Longstreet wanted to wait until another of his brigades arrived. Critics of Longstreet have surmised that he deliberately disobeyed Lee and held off the attack. Longstreet later reported that his troops were forced to make a detour due to poor reconnaissance information. The issue to this day is still sharply questioned by historians. A major factor that came into play was that communications were very primitive and largely inadequate, especially for the Confederacy. The Union Army held a great logistical advantage over their Confederate counterparts with their ability to send telegraphs more freely. Telegraph lines were very scarce throughout the south. This factor had always given the Union a superior logistical edge in the war. The only reliable way for Confederate forces to send messages was by courier, either on foot or horseback. Once sent, the messenger might have to reroute, thus delaying arrival. Also, the courier could risk capture or death, thus no message would arrive at all. For battle tactics to work effectively, everything needed to be well coordinated and timed perfectly. Any break in network command would at minimum dilute attack effectiveness or possibly lead to complete failure. This would be a major issue at Gettysburg.
In Longstreet's post war memoirs, which in all fairness were written in hindsight many years, (over 30), after the war had ended, Longstreet described his reaction to Lee's proposal:
"His plan or wishes announced, it became useless and improper to offer suggestions leading to a different course. All that I could ask was that the policy of the campaign should be one of defensive tactics; that we should work so as to force the enemy to attack us, in such good position as we might find in our own country, so well adapted to that purpose—which might assure us of a grand triumph. To this he readily assented as an important and material adjunct to his general plan."
Longstreet insisted on July 3 that he be allowed to circle around and attack the Union left flank and rear. In contrast, Lee’s plan was to launch a massive frontal assault on the center of the main Union line located upon Cemetery Ridge. Longstreet seemed to see a replay of Fredricksburg, except in this instance the roles were reversed, Lee evidently did not see things that way, or as some have suggested, carried an attitude of his army's invincibility. Just like the Union Army at Fredricksburg, the Confederates would have to march uphill across an open expanse for a distance of close to a mile against an entrenched Army with superior artillery. Lee would state to Longstreet, "If the enemy is there tomorrow, I will attack him."(Artwork entitled "The Enemy Is Their" below), Longstreet would counter to Lee, "If he is there tomorrow it is because he wants you to attack."
Longstreet also countered: "General, I have been a soldier all my life. I have been with soldiers engaged in fights by couples, by squads, companies, regiments, divisions, and armies, and should know, as well as any one, what soldiers can do. It is my opinion that no fifteen thousand men ever arranged for battle can take that position."
Longstreet agonized over giving the final order to his friend Major Gen. George Pickett to deploy his division into what became famously known as Pickett’s Last Charge. When time came to give the command, he could not utter the words, but only nodded affirmatively to proceed.
The attack was a slaughter. Although it was nearly successful due to the sheer determination and bravery of the troops. After reaching the Union line and fighting valiantly at close range for some twenty minutes, the attack was repulsed.
Lee stated to the retreating and downcast troops, “It is my fault, it is all my fault.” He would subsequently order Pickett to rally his division in order to fend off a possible Union counterattack. Pickett would grimly reply: “General Lee, I have no division.” Fortunately for Lee's forces the Union counterattack never occurred. (Major General George Pickett pictured below).
The Union troops on Cemetery Ridge shouted “Fredricksburg, Fredricksburg” as the Confederate army retreated back towards Virginia.
Longstreet in his memoirs remarked of Pickett’s retreating men:
“There was no indication of panic. The broken files marched back in steady step. The effort was nobly made and failed frank the blows that could not be fended.”
It was an heroic though futile effort. I cannot imagine marching up hill on open terrain with countless cannons and thousands of rifles aimed my way. The courage of men to do such a thing is difficult to grasp.The Confederate force thinned considerably by harrowing artillery fire, made it all the way to the Union line, but was beaten back in fierce hand to hand combat. This became famously known as the high water mark of the Confederacy. Down along the hill below there were over fifty thousand casualties from the three days of battle.
Devastated by the defeat at Gettysburg, in August of 1863, Longstreet requested and was granted a transfer to the Army of the Tennessee in the Western Theater of the war. His next major command would be at The Battle of Chickamauga in September of 1863. His corps arrived during the early stages of the battle on September 19 1863. Throughout the day, Confederate troops had already attempted several unsuccessful assaults on the Union positions. One of Longstreet's divisions under Major General John Bell Hood had successfully resisted a strong Union counterattack. When Longstreet arrived late that evening, he had to search long to find Bragg's headquarters and came very close to capture. When the two finally met, Bragg placed Longstreet in command of the Left Wing of his army. On September 20 1863, Longstreet placed eight brigades in a deep column against a narrow front. His plan was to attack after a full assault by the right wing of the army was underway. However, mishandled orders delayed the right wing attack, and Longstreet's advance began late. By pure chance, a mistaken order from Union Lt.General William S. Rosecrans created a wide gap in the Union line.
Longstreet took full advantage of the situation. He ordered one division forward, causing the Union right wing to collapse. But Braxton Bragg's failure to coordinate the over all attack prevented Confederate forces from inflicting a total rout of the Union Army. Bragg's further reticence to pursue the retreating enemy led to the failure of completely crushing the Union army. Despite these failures The Battle of Chickamauga was the greatest Confederate victory of the entire war in the Western Theater and Longstreet earned great praise for his command.
Bragg and Longstreet would clash frequently throughout the entire campaign. He and his fellow commanders found Bragg to be a vindictive prima donna with a very acerbic personality. They wrote the higher-ups in Richmond, insisting that Bragg be relieved. The majority of Bragg's subordinates had long been dissatisfied with him. The arrival of Longstreet (the senior Lt. general in the Army), only added more fuel to the fire.
Longstreet wrote to Sec. of War James Seddon, "I am convinced that nothing but the hand of God can save us or help us as long as we have our present commander."
The situation grew more critical and President Davis was forced into personal involvement. Longstreet stated that Bragg "was incompetent to manage an army or put men into a fight" and that he "knew nothing of the business." Davis sided with Bragg due to their close personal friendship, a critical mistake. Upon learning of the requests against him, Bragg retaliated by relieving all commanders who were against him and by reducing Longstreet’s force.
Longstreet next went to Knoxville with the main goal being to meet up with Lee’s Army in Virginia. His movements were bogged down by a severe winter in the East Tennessee Mountains. Overall war fortunes were now solidly moving in the Unions favor and Longstreet himself began to lose confidence in the cause. He often blamed others, even asking to be relieved of command. But the request was denied by the War department.
Early 1864 had Longstreet back again with Lee in Virginia. His old friend Ulysses S. Grant was now the head commander of the Union army. Longstreet stated to his fellow officers about his old friend Grant, “That man will fight us every day and every hour until the end of the war." Longstreet’s prewar friendship with Grant had apparently revealed to him a man who was steady and persistent. He knew Grant as a man who would never quit. His statement would prove to be spot on.
At the Battle of the Wilderness in May 1864 Longstreet saved the Confederate army from a serious defeat by pulling a brilliant maneuver to smash the flank of the Union II Corps led by Major General Winfield Scott Hancock. Hancock would tell Longstreet after the war, “You rolled me up like a wet blanket.” Ironically, during the assault, which occurred just 4 miles from the spot where Stonewall Jackson was shot by his own men, Longstreet was shot accidentally by his own men. The bullet damaged his shoulder and gashed his throat, forcing him out of action for the rest of 1864. His arm was initially paralyzed. But he gradually regained use of it.
His final military assignment of the war was to command the defensive entrenchments protecting the Confederate Capitol of Richmond Virginia. Lee reticently began to consider the prospect of surrendering. Longstreet advised him that if he were to do so his old friend Grant would treat them fairly in every way.
Lee finally came to that decision and rode to Appomattox Court House to meet Grant. As Lee mounted his horse, Longstreet told him, “General, if he does not give us good terms, come back and let us fight it out.”
At the surrender signing, Grant and Longstreet were both present. When they stepped inside the courthouse, Grant took Longstreet's hand and said, “Pete, let us have another game of brag, to recall the days that were so pleasant.” Longstreet would later write of their meeting: “Great God!” I thought to myself, “How my heart swells out to such magnanimous touch of humanity. Why do men fight who were born to be brothers?” Longstreet later told a reporter after the surrender at The Mclean House, (pictured below): "His whole greeting and conduct towards us was as though nothing had ever happened to mar our pleasant relations." (Next picture in sequence, artwork of the meeting between Grant and Longstreet at Mclean House).
After the war, Longstreet and his family moved to New Orleans Louisiana. Their he became a cotton broker and also served as the president of an insurance company. He soon requested a full pardon from then Pres. Andrew Johnson, (a request fully endorsed by Grant). But Johnson told him that there were three men, Longstreet, Robert E. Lee, and Jefferson Davis who should never be pardoned. Three years later the United States Congress would eventually pardon Longstreet in June of 1868. For Longstreet to have been placed on this narrow list was proof of his ability and success as a commander. Despite the post war southern criticism of Longstreet, his former foes knew full well his abilities. In 1870, he was named president of the newly organized New Orleans and Northeastern Railroad.
Longstreet after the war would make three very crucial moves that have forever cemented his mostly tainted legacy in the South.
1). He chose to endorse his old friend Ulysses S. Grant for the office of President in 1868.
2). He would become a member of the Republican Party.
3). In his memoirs, written years after the war, he penned some rather stinging criticisms of his old boss Robert E. Lee, specifically over the controversial episode at Gettysburg.
He was quickly labeled as a scalawag for joining the Republican Party and for supporting Grant. An old friend Gen. Daniel H. Hill wrote to a newspaper: "Our scalawag is the local leper of the community." Unlike Northerners who moved South and were sometimes referred to as "Carpetbaggers," Hill wrote, Longstreet "is a native, which is so much the worse."
He was next appointed to lead the military and police force of New Orleans and chose to place black troops in his militia. This would further infuriate more southerners. During a disturbance concerning protests of election irregularities in 1874, known as the Battle of Liberty Place, a force of 8,400 members of the anti-Reconstruction White League stormed the State House in New Orleans. Republican William Pitt Kellogg was ultimately declared the winner of a close and heavily disputed gubernatorial election. Longstreet commanded an armed force of 3,600 policemen, and militia troops. He rode with his command to meet the protesters. He would be pulled from his horse, shot by a spent bullet, and taken prisoner. The White League charged his command, causing many to flee or surrender. The casualty totals were 38 killed and 79 wounded. Federal troops were immediately sent in by President Ulysses S, Grant that restored order. Longstreet's use of armed black troops during the event only served to increase the ever growing resistance by anti-Reconstruction and former Southern Confederates throughout the south.
In 1875, due to concerns over personal safety, the Longstreet family were forced to leave New Orleans. They relocated to Gainesville, Georgia. Here he served in government positions including ambassador to Turkey under Presidents McKinley and Roosevelt. He served as a U.S. Marshal from 1881 to 1884, but election of a new Democratic administration under Grover Cleveland ended his political career. He retired to a 65-acre farm in Gainesville, where he raised turkeys and planted orchards and vineyards on terraced ground his neighbors referred to jokingly as "Gettysburg." A fire on April 9, 1889, (the 24th anniversary of Lee's surrender), destroyed his home and his personal possessions, including personal Civil War documents and memorabilia. His wife of 40 years, Louise, passed away later that year. He remarried in 1897 at age 76 to a 36 year old named Helen Dortch. She would outlive him by almost sixty years, (died in 1962), and would staunchly defend his legacy until the day of her death.
Longstreet’s memoirs were published in 1896. He spent his final years in Gainesville in very poor health, suffering from rheumatism and cancer. He died just days before his eighty-third birthday on January 2, 1904. He is buried in Gainesville, Georgia.
A persons legacy is what it is. In truth, it contains good and bad, successes and failures. Within a historical context, it may be lacking at least somewhat or even greatly in pure truth. It is far too often subject to circumstance, prejudice, or favoritism. A great example of this is how many former Nazis still looked upon Adolf Hitler with a grotesquely blinded favoritism after World War II. By the same token, many of one political persuasion may see a former President of their party with blind favoritism or look down upon one of the opposing party with very blind prejudice. Neither way is objective, fair, and rarely contains pure truth.
In criticism if you want to call it that, Longstreet surely made mistakes as a military commander. Just as he was a defensive-minded commander, he could be defensive about the criticism of his actions received from others. If he did in fact deliberately disobey Robert E. Lee, at Gettysburg, he did in fact commit an egregious military act. A direct order from a superior officer must be obeyed under any and all circumstances according to military code. Disobedience can result in court martial. If convicted one will be removed from command, possibly cashiered from the army, or even jailed. In Longstreet's praise and defense, there is little question that he was a splendid public servant both during and after the war. Even many of his harshest critics agree he was a solid Corps commander who assembled superb staffs and was a master of delegation. He was a faithful husband and devoted family man. The following are observations made by two of his closest subordinate commanders:
Lt. Col. G. Moxley Sorrel (pictured below), Longstreet’s Chief of Staff described his commander as:"....a most striking figure,...,a soldier every inch, and very handsome, tall and well proportioned, strong and active, a superb horseman and with an unsurpassed soldierly bearing, his features and expressions fairly matched; eyes, glint steel blue, deep and piercing."
Capt. Thomas J. Goree, (pictured below), Longstreet’s aide, stated that Longstreet was “one of the kindest, best hearted men I ever knew.” Goree did state that Longstreet could appear to be “short and crabbed” to some people but not when in the presence of ladies, at the table, or on the field of battle. “At any of these places,” Goree said, “ he has a complacent smile on his countenance, and seems to be one of the happiest men in the world.”
Even though Longstreet was usually very “sociable and agreeable” Goree stated that there were times when he did not have much to say and “is as grim as you please.” But Goree noted that this usually happened when Longstreet “was not very well or something has not gone to suit him.” The staff came to discover that there were times when it was best to leave Longstreet alone unless they found out first that “he is in a talkative mood. He has a good deal of the roughness of the old soldier about him.
Longstreet’s support of Ulysses S. Grant for President, his joining the Republican Party with no apparent political aspirations, and his placing of black troops in his militia in New Orleans showed courage, and a heart for advancing his countries healing. It seems he tried to do his part to aid the turbulent post war process of Southern Reconstruction. He seemingly put his former association with the Confederacy proudly in his past and now simply wanted reconciliation.
Unfortunately, far too many were not prepared to do just that.
It is my opinion that Longstreet was a great man and officer. I admire much about him and Robert E. Lee as well. Both were asked to lead an outnumbered army against a foe that had superior numerical advantage and virtually every logistical and material advantage.
As much as one may admire Lee, it is confounding as to why he could not see a mirror image of his victory at Fredricksburg when he looked upon Cemetery ridge at Gettysburg and decided to attack the center of the Union line. Apparently Longstreet did. He saw disaster in the making, yet as a good soldier would, he carried out his orders. Both seemed to simply disagree over the best course of action to pursue. There was certainly little doubt as to their mutual respect and admiration for one another.
During the Gettysburg Campaign, Lt. Col. Arthur J. L. Freemantle, (pictured below), a British military observer and semi amateur war correspondent, would note of the relations between Lee and Longstreet: “are quite touching - they are almost always together....It is impossible to please Longstreet more than by praising Lee. I believe these two generals to be as little ambitious and as thoroughly unselfish as any men in the world. Both long for a successful termination of the war, in order that they may retire into obscurity.”
I will add a bit more on Freemantle here. Like many English officers of his time, Freemantle held a deep fascination in the American Civil War. He was in America truly as just a tourist deciding to take a tour of the South out of curiosity. He kept a detailed account of his journey entitled: Three Months in the Southern States: April, June, 1863. Admittedly his initial alliance in the conflict lay with the Union, since he as well as other Englishmen of that time found the practice of slavery abhorrent. His close attention to the "politics" leading up to the war resulted in a rather telling observation about his desire to visit America and arrive at a more thorough understanding of the war, and "other" mitigating factors for its cause, (or causes). Just by chance, the one battle Freemantle would observe from "very" nearby would just happen to be that of Gettysburg. In Freemantle's own words: "At the outbreak of the American war, in common with many of my countrymen, I felt very indifferent as to which side might win; but if I had any bias, my sympathies were rather in favor of the North, on account of the dislike which an Englishman naturally feels at the idea of Slavery. But soon a sentiment of great admiration for the gallantry and determination of the Southerners, together with the unhappy contrast afforded by the foolish bullying conduct of the Northerners, caused a complete revulsion in my feelings, and I was unable to repress a strong wish to go to America and see something of this wonderful struggle."
The war would continue for two more years after Gettysburg. Astoundingly the final two years were as bloody and costly as the first two. The blame for the Confederate defeat was being ratcheted up all through the South. Like a gentleman and any good leader, Lee took full responsibility. The problem was that Lee had such an iconic image in the eyes of most southerners. To many he could simply do no wrong. Several commanders have received some degree of the blame for the failure at Gettysburg. The public needed scapegoats to protect Lee’s image. The two major scapegoats who caught the majority of the heat were Longstreet and cavalry Gen. J. E. B. Stuart. It must be said emphatically that no one person was singly responsible for the Confederate armies defeat at Gettysburg.
It does seem fairly certain that regardless of Lee’s or Longstreet’s mistakes or failures, the Confederates lost at Gettysburg for several reasons. It was a three-day battle. Mistakes were made in leadership throughout the entire command, starting on day one. Communications were a major problem, scouting reports were faulty. An army’s victory should never be credited to one man anymore than their defeat can be blamed on only one. George Pickett who led the fateful charge may have had the best explanation of all. When asked after the war why the Confederate army lost, he simply said, “I think the Yankees may have had something to do with it.”
Longstreet’s fiercest critics have been insistent that he deliberately delayed his corps movement and disobeyed Lee on day two at Gettysburg. I have a hard time swallowing that. My reasoning is simple. If Longstreet were going to defy deliberately any orders by Lee, day three would have been a more likely scenario. On day three Longstreet could have defied Lee by not giving the final order for Pickett’s Charge. Longstreet foresaw the bloody disaster that would occur if the Confederate Army attacked uphill against a superior Federal position. If you recall, Longstreet, with a heavy heart followed Lee’s orders did his duty and obeyed. He could not even bring himself to utter the words for Pickett to attack; he could only nod in assent. My question to his critics is this. Why would he obey Lee in this incident on day three yet defy him on day two in a somewhat less critical situation? To further reinforce: On July 24, 1863, Longstreet sent a letter to his uncle, Augusts Baldwin explaining his position at Gettysburg, he stated:
"General Lee chose the plan adopted, and he is the person appointed to chose and to order. I consider it a part of my duty to express my views to the commanding general. If he approves and adopts them it is well; if he does not, it is my duty to adopt his views, and to execute his orders as faithfully as if they were my own.
To even further reinforce the point, another incident at Gettysburg seems to show Longstreet’s devotion to follow orders. On day two, (July 2nd 1863), Lee ordered Major Gen. John Bell Hood to engage his division against Federal forces by moving up the Emmitsburg Road in the area of the battlefield known as the Devil’s Den. Hood protested the order vehemently to both Lee and Longstreet. Hood felt that the rock strewn area was poor terrain to implement an attack, (a correct assessment). Lee would not yield to his request. It should be noted that all three generals had a great love and respect for one another. Hood and Longstreet long held a close working relationship, each using their nicknames to address the other, "Pete" for Longstreet and "Sam" for Hood. Here is another rather salient point: despite Hood and Longstreet’s friendship and Hood’s vehement protests about the order. Longstreet simply told Hood that Lee gave the orders and that they must be followed. Longstreet apparently agreed with Hood that the Devil’s Den was poor terrain and disagreed with Lee’s over all plan. Nevertheless, Longstreet followed Lee’s orders and ordered Hood to carry out the attack. The attack was a failure. Things fell into disarray quickly when Hood was wounded at the very start of the encounter and was withdrawn from the encounter. Without Hood's bold presence, the chain of command in his division splintered and the attack failed. John Bell Hood would lose the use of his right arm for the rest of his life. The following are Hood's own words pertaining to the episode: "After this urgent protest against entering into battle at Gettysburg according to instructions - which protest is the first and only one I ever made during my entire military career - I ordered my line to advance and make the assault."
During the 75th Anniversary Reunion of The Battle of Gettysburg, (1938), a former officer in George Pickett’s Division would tell a newspaper reporter:
"Longstreet opposed Pickett’s Charge, and the failure shows he was right.... All these damnable lies about Longstreet make me want to shoulder a musket and fight another war. They originated in politics and have been told by men not fit to untie his shoestrings. We soldiers on the firing line knew there was no greater fighter in the whole Confederate army than Longstreet. I am proud that I fought under him here. I know that Longstreet did not fail Lee at Gettysburg or anywhere else. I’ll defend him as long as I live."