Who was Modibo Keita?
Mamadou Lamine GUEYE
Let us embrace the beauty of every culture and faith to create peace in our world
The Mali Empire
As far back as one can go in the history of sub-Saharan Africa, one can see that the Mali-Keita tandem had a great resonance. Also, the powerful Malian tradition had a very important place in the policy of Modibo Keita who said: " ?... We want to be the worthy heirs of our ancestors, the artisans of a Mali resplendent with internal prosperity and international influence. ... By giving the name Mali to our young Republic, we have sworn before history to rehabilitate the moral values that made Africa great. ?"
?It must be said that the legacy is fabulous:
?In 1324, after its emperor's pilgrimage to Mecca, Mali had become an almost mythical land for Europe and North Africa. The wealth of this flamboyant empire was known, and people had heard of its cultural center in Timbuktu, where law, philosophy, astronomy, and theology were taught. But historians are discovering a civilization that is even more fascinating than previously thought.
The Empire Builders:
Among the foreign travelers, half merchants, half spies, who crisscrossed the region attracted by curiosity or the wealth of the Mali empire, there was the famous ambassador, historian: Ibn Battuta (1)
Ibn Battuta is the only eyewitness to leave a writing prior to those of the European discoverers. After a long journey of more than 120 thousand km that took him to China, the "? traveler of Islam ", as he was nicknamed, was commissioned by the Sultan of Morocco to visit this rich neighbor of Sudan ("? the country of the blacks ?" in Arabic). Ibn Battuta returned from this trip to Mali, amazed by the splendor of the empire but disappointed (2) ?not to have been covered in gold by the Malian emperor.
Thanks to oral traditions and Arab chronicles, we know a little more about the epic of this legendary empire. Until the beginning of the 12th century, Mali was only a small kingdom straddling the Niger upstream from Bamako, towards the confluence of the Sankarani River, in Mandé. Despite the possession of a few gold mines (Bouré), the kingdom was nothing exceptional. In the 12th century, the king of Mali named Naré-Famaghan (also called Maghan Konaté) sought to "unite" the neighboring kingdoms in order to be able to effectively oppose the nomads of the Sahara who regularly came down to raid and capture slaves. But this initiative worried his suzerain the king of Sosso, Soumangourou (Soumaworo) Kanté, who decided to get rid of this overly ambitious vassal. The troops of Mali were crushed and the kingdom occupied. But, the youngest of Naré-Famaghan Konaté's children, Soundiata Keita, would liberate the country and found the famous Mali empire.?
AN EYEWITNESS :
Ibn Battuta visited the Mali Empire in 1352 and 1353. In his account he describes Malian society:
" Acts of injustice are rare among them, of all peoples they are the least likely to commit them, and the Sultan never forgives those who are guilty of them. Throughout the country there is perfect security, one can live and travel there without fear of theft or plunder... "
Regarding the luxury of the imperial court of Mali, the famous Arab chronicler writes:
" The (audience) hall has three wooden windows covered with silver plates, and, below, three others covered with gold plates... The squires arrive with magnificent weapons: quivers of gold and silver, sabers decorated with gold as well as their scabbards, lances of gold and silver, crystal clubs... "
(Ibn Battuta – travelogue (Rihla))
The battle between the troops of Soundiata Keita and those of Soumaoro took place at Kirina, around 1235.?
Soundiata's victory then marked the beginning of his conquests. Many neighboring kingdoms placed themselves under his authority. The Malian army, with its 10,000 horsemen and 100,000 infantry, swept down on the kingdoms that resisted. Soundiata annexed all the countries forming Sosso, and especially the ancient kingdom of Ghana and its gold mines.
Mali then stretched between the Atlantic and the Niger loop for more than a thousand kilometers, and included present-day Mali, Burkina Faso, Senegal, Gambia, Guinea, Guinea Bissau, Mauritania and a large part of Ivory Coast. According to the griots, "it took more than a year to go around it on foot."
Two centuries of prosperity
The Mali Empire would experience two centuries of prosperity thanks to its powerful army, its social and administrative organization, its gold, the abundance of its agricultural resources, the dynamism of its trade and the quality of its cultural exchanges.
The first strength of the empire was the diversity of the ethnic groups that populated it: Malinke, Bambara, Fulani, Wolof, Toucouleur, etc. The territory was divided into provinces located around the capital established in Niani. At the head of each province was a 'Farin' who governed it and collected taxes.
In addition to the organization of trade and the intense artistic activity, what struck the foreign visitor was the peace and security that reigned throughout the empire. Incredible in this medieval era when looters, pirates and thieves were rampant all over the world. While slavery was expanding, the "great Soundiata" organized anti-slavery brigades.
Long before the proclamation of the rights of man in 1789:
Another extraordinary work of the Malian sovereign: the “Donsonlu kali kan” (the hunters’ oath). It was a charter of common life, the “Mande charter”, a model of Human Rights that preceded the Universal Proclamation of Human Rights of 1789 in France by several centuries. The “ Manden Charter ” is also called the “ Charter of Kouroukan Fouga ” in reference to the site where it was proclaimed in 1236. This “African” declaration of human rights stated in particular:
“ No human life is more respectable than another ”.
A faith in man and a respect for human life, barely imaginable in the middle ages:
The gold extracted from the mines of Bouré, Bambouk or Galam earned the empire great prestige. But its wealth came mainly from a flourishing trade. The roads being safe, trade with Arab merchants began to prosper.
Inside, an efficient commercial organization functioned. The wealth and potential of each region was exploited: The West produced mainly foodstuffs, iron came mainly from the center, the northern countries provided salt, cotton or shea oil. In the South in the forests, they supplied themselves with yams, kola nuts and other tubers. At that time, just like in Europe, the population of Mali was mainly agricultural, the empire produced millet, fonio, sorghum or rice in large quantities. Livestock breeding was also practiced there successfully and the subjects of the "Mansa" were well fed.
Soundiata Keita drowned around 1255. Several of his sons succeeded him: Ouali, Mansa Wullen (around 1255 – 1270), Ouati (around 1270 -1274), Khalifa (around 1274 -1275). Then it was the turn of Soundiata's grandson, Abou Bakr (around 1275 – 1285).
All these successors did not leave much of a memory, being hardly great kings. This is probably why a usurper by the name of Sakoura seized power and reigned from 1285 to 1300. Fifteen years during which this former general of the Malian army consolidated the power of the empire. He was killed on the road returning from Mecca.
Long before Christopher Columbus:
The descendants of Soundiata Keita were able to regain power after the death of Sakoura:
first his son Gao (around 1300-1305), then the latter's son, Mohammed ibn Gao (around 1305-1310), and finally his nephew Aboubakar II (around 1310-1312).
The latter, two centuries before Christopher Columbus, curious to know the limits of the Ocean, launched an expedition of 200 canoes. Following the failure of the operation (only one canoe returned), the sovereign had 2,000 other canoes equipped with food and water. He set off in turn, leaving power to his son, the future Kango Moussa. None of the boats returned. Thus Aboubakar-2 died, a victim of this curiosity which was often at the origin of great discoveries.
A flamboyant empire:
The Mali Empire reached its peak under the reign of Kango Musa (1312-1337), better known as Mansa Musa. Arab historians recount the lavish pilgrimage he made to Mecca in 1324: an escort of between 15,000 and 60,000 men who took with them 10 to 12 tons of gold, which they distributed by the handful. So much so that the price of the precious metal fell for ten years.
On his return from Mecca, Mansa Musa hired astronomers, mathematicians and especially jurists and pious men, some of whom would settle in Timbuktu, which would become an intellectual center. It was during this period that a new type of architecture was invented in Mali, using banco and wooden frames.
It should be noted that the Mali Empire, which knew writing, since the emperor's secretaries regularly wrote to foreign sovereigns, preferred oral tradition.
The successors of Mansa Musa were successively: Mansa Maghan (1337-1341), Mansa Souleiman, brother of Mansa Musa (around 1341-1360), his son Kassa (around 1360), Mari Diata II, son of Mansa Maghan (around 1360-1374), his son Musa II (around 1374-1387), Magha II (around 1387-1389), and the usurper Sandaki (around 1389-1390).
All these kings were not always concerned with the management of the empire's funds and taxes became crushing.
After the death of Mansa Souleymane, quarrels and anarchy weakened the power of the Mansa. Regions became independent.
At the end of the 10th century, after attacks by the Mossi, the Tuareg and the Songhai, Mali was reduced to the western countries. Between the 16th and 17th centuries, the Bambara under the reign of Biton Coulibaly would bring Mali back to its original dimensions.
Ibn Battuta describes the imperial court of Mali :
“ Some days, the Sultan held audience in the courtyard of the palace under a tree. He was seated on a platform covered with silk carpets, and surmounted by a silk umbrella, crowned with a golden bird. The Sultan wears a golden headdress. He is dressed in a red velvet tunic made from precious fabrics from Europe. He is preceded by musicians whose guitars are made of gold and silver. Behind him, 300 slave soldiers. ”
Excerpt from a travelogue (Rihla) [Ibn Battuta].
Who was Modibo Keita?
"Modibo Keita seemed destined to be a stakeholder in the spiritual leadership of Africa. And the younger generations placed their greatest hopes in him."
(Mongo Beti and Odile Tobner – Dictionary of Negritude)
"The lion with his fiery and leaden gaze always at his zenith (...) standing and straight as a palmyra tree."?
Considered? "one of the greatest leaders of the Third World", ?the first president of Mali enjoyed a great notoriety that crossed the borders of his country and the African continent:
In a report on French television (ORTF), André Blanchet (1) ?presents Modibo Keita as? "one of the most prestigious leaders of independent Africa" .
The journalist, historian and biographer, Jean Lacouture (2) , saw in Modibo Keita, I quote:? "A living statue of Africa".?
A strong character:
Tall, the Malian "giant" had the physique of an athlete. There emanated from the character a magnetism and a sincerity that did not leave his most hostile interlocutors indifferent.
The man had character. His combativeness, his intransigence and his tenacity found their justification in? a profound ideal . Thus, it was, sometimes, with determination that he defended the causes in which he deeply believed. Pugnacity, perseverance, courage, sacrifices and dignity are words that characterized his political and union fight.? Moreover, the activist that he was, knew how to demonstrate realism, pragmatism and creative imagination to make? his ideals of independence, justice, freedom and peace triumph.
?Some have criticized him for an authoritarian style and a certain intransigence (which he also displayed towards himself). Modibo Keita's temperament and strong personality have often fueled this? accusation of "authoritarianism".? However, the man only conceived of his action within a collective framework. It is true, in fact, that Modibo Keita had? a natural authority ?that flowed very logically from his strength of conviction and his personal behavior that he wanted to be exemplary. For the historian, Professor Bakary Kamian:? "He was only authoritarian in appearance, he was authoritarian when it came to applying and enforcing the rules, but he liked to listen to others and, if necessary, change his position."? As for Mr. Idrissa Diarra, he reports: " ?In meetings, despite his strong personality, which could allow him to easily impose his opinion, ?Modibo Keita strives to encourage discussion so that all opinions are expressed ,..." .
Modibo Keita, a charismatic leader, listened to on the international scene, acquired, thanks to his actions and his ideas, prestige and respect.? He was outspoken, nationalism was on edge, dignity and distinction in his behavior, non-alignment as a principle and Pan-Africanism in his head.
An exceptional journey:
Son of Daba Keita and Hatouma Camara, Modibo Keita was born on June 4, 1915 in Bamako-coura, a district of Bamako.?
– From 1925 to 1931, he attended the urban primary school in Bamako.
– From 1931 he entered the “Terrasson de Fougère” high school, today the “Askia Mohamed” high school.
– Three years later he left for the William Ponty Higher Teacher Training College in Dakar where he spent two years. Modibo Keita graduated top of the class from this prestigious school and became a teacher in September 1938.
His teachers reported him as: "Elite teacher, very intelligent, but anti-French... High-class agitator to watch closely . "
Modibo Keita was not anti-French, but he was viscerally anti-colonialist.
Deeply angered by the situation in Africa under colonial domination, Modibo Keita has been active in several movements and associations since 1937:
Testimonies given to Modibo Keita
The testimonies confirm it: Modibo Keita was not only a prestigious statesman, he also had qualities as a man in general:
In April 1936, while he was a student at the William Ponty school, he showed courage by saving the future president of the Republic of Dahomey (now Benin), Emile-Derlin Zinsou, from drowning. The former head of state of Niger, Mr. Hamani Diori, who was a schoolmate of Modibo Keita, testifies:
"Modibo was a hard worker at school, very serious in his obligations (his homework was always completed without delay), never putting off the day's work until tomorrow, which allowed him to have free time for our distractions, especially music (flute) and acting (in particular the role of Bakary Dian (1) which he preferred). He was a fundamentally honest and frank comrade…. As for his personality, I must mention an act of courage to his credit: in Gorée, our comrade E. Derlin Zinsou, who was bathing, fainted and was about to drown, while his comrades, seeing his grimaces, thought it was an April Fool's joke. It was April Fool's Day, 1936. Modibo threw himself into the water and saved him. He was as clean in body as in mind, and I can only have admiring memories of this good comrade."
Modibo Keita's greatness of soul was evident on every occasion. Here are some testimonies from people (political supporters or adversaries) who knew the man in various circumstances:
Testimonials:
Mr. BAUX, former French ambassador, French minister plenipotentiary:
"Tall, Modibo Keita had that distinction of the lords of the savannah, that way of measuring his gestures and his words. There was grandeur in his behavior: I never saw him dwell on anything insignificant or petty... His political vision was inspired by a profound ideal."
Y. Djermakoye, former Deputy Secretary General of the UN, former Nigerien Minister:
"I discovered Modibo, a born orator, who spoke without complacency... His words were dynamite, his clearly expressed ideas flew as if propelled by a tireless energy... his combat themes remained the same. Uncompromising with himself, he was particularly so with his political adversaries... But his main concern was to shed light on the violations of individual and collective freedoms.... Modibo Keita is among the giants of the history of African independence. Grateful Africa will never forget him. It will always continue to recount his great deeds and the sacrifice he made so that it would aspire to a better destiny."
MG. JULIS French trade unionist. He spent five years in Mali in the sixties:
"He (Modibo Keita) was concerned about the man, the responsible man, the committed activist... I consider that President Modibo Keita, a man of integrity, devoted, tolerant, a valiant and selfless activist, still represents the example of the possibilities of struggle, of fighting for real changes in countries like Mali."
Mr. LEOPOLD SEDAR SENGHOR, first president of Senegal:
"... What I remembered, first of all, from Modibo Keita was his great uprightness, which was rooted in his deep faith. He was what I call a "true Muslim", that is to say a man who followed, in their spirit, the precepts of the Koran. He did not believe, he does not believe in charms and maraboutages, like too many Muslims and Christians.
The second trait of Modibo Keita's character is, precisely, his need for rationality and his spirit of method... To return to the African Federation Party, I am sure that the action of Modibo Keita, as Secretary General of this Party, did not fail to influence us, all of us Senegalese and Malians. Because, once again, this action always aimed at efficiency.
The third trait that I will remember from Modibo Keita is his humanity. As everyone knows in Africa, the Malian way is a hard, severe way. But it is not a bloody way.
If Modibo Keita is such, it is, of course, a matter of temperament. It is also, I am convinced, a spirit of objectivity, of fairness. At the time of the PFA, he never failed to ask for sanctions for errors or mistakes committed; but he avoided anything that was excessive, anything that could appear as resentment or vengeance. This is very important. The spirit of fairness, I would say more: the spirit of humanity, is one of the fundamental traits of Africanness, particularly of Negritude.
This, very briefly, is the image that I keep of Modibo Keita, Secretary General of the PFA. Such he was, such I find him, from afar, through his actions and his speeches: a man of faith, a man of efficiency, a man of humanity. We understand that he was one of the great men of the first Addis Ababa Conference: an activist for African Unity.”
Mr. SOUROU MIGAN APITHY, former President of the Republic of Dahomey (currently Benin):
"The former Mali Federation, of which Modibo Keita was one of the most passionate and lucid leaders, is a historical example of his desire to unite. The independence of his native country called him to the supreme magistracy and it was the occasion for him to once again don his tunic for the pilgrimage of African Unity. He was incontestably a pilgrim of African Unity, courageously, passionately. From Guinea to Ghana, from Niger to Upper Volta, from Ivory Coast to Senegal, from Morocco to Tunisia, from Algeria to the United Arab Republic, he carried the message of African Unity, without ever tiring with the fiery zeal of the prophets of the Old Testament. In Addis Ababa as in Cairo, he spoke the language of the wise, convinced and convincing statesman, perfectly lucid and of an admirable tolerance. President Modibo Keita is undoubtedly one of the great African figures of our time.
Mr. MAMADOU DIA, former President of the Government Council of Senegal:
“Modibo Keita was undoubtedly one of our modern pharaohs, who devoted all his intelligence and all his energy to the great work of rebuilding African unity…. Of course, the man was not perfect; but is our political world, our world in general, meant to be the abode of Angels? His adversaries have notably criticized his authoritarian style, which he would derive from his aristocratic, feudal roots, and from the influence exerted on him by certain hard-line elements in his entourage. In any case, these criticisms cannot tarnish the brilliance of this flamboyant personality who left an indelible mark on Africa in the first decade of decolonization. Nor can they mask his imposing silhouette which reappears today in the firmament of history, dazzling with light.”
Mr. ALPHA OUMAR KONARE, former President of the African Union (AU) Commission, former Malian Head of State:
?“We are grateful to Modibo KEITA for his moral rigor, for his integrity, for his ardent love of work, of work well done, for his high sense of duty. No one should forget his exceptional contribution to the work of building an independent national economy, his passion for Mali and Africa, his tireless fight for African unity, his constant commitment to the peoples of the Third World through the Non-Aligned Movement, his fight for world peace. He was part of all the just fights, of all the fights of the oppressed.”
Mr. DABA KEITA former minister of Modibo Keita:
?“President Modibo Keita remains in my memory as a head of government who scrupulously respected the dignity of his ministers, demanding from them the affirmation of a high degree of personality… He received one-on-one, without witnesses, the Malian citizen who requested an audience, and almost always, he calmed him thanks to the strength of conviction that his great and profound sincerity gave him… He always extended his hand to lift up the fellow traveler who fell.”
The newspaper “JEUNE AFRIQUE” commenting on the coup d’état of 19/11/1968:
?"He (Modibo Keita) knows how to fight for his convictions, with patience and method... the moral prestige that he brought to his country is considerable. In inter-African bodies, his word carries weight... He behaved without complexes with the leaders of the countries of the East or the West who came to offer help to his country. With Modibo at the head of the country, no compromise was possible with regard to sovereignty, of that, we are sure. Only the interest of Mali came into play... in any case, whatever happens now, Modibo will remain in the eyes of the generation of Africans of which we are what he was: an incorruptible politician."
ROBERT HUE former general secretary of the French Communist Party:
"To evoke this fight against colonialism ... leads immediately to evoke men who played a major role in this history. Among them, of course, those African activists who became prominent figures of what was called the "third world" in the aftermath of the Second World War. I am thinking of course, and in particular, of Modibo Keita, in many ways a symbol of dignity, lucidity and courage. His progressive vision and his visceral attachment to independence, social justice and African unity remain a landmark for many, and take on a singular resonance in today's situation."
The newspaper “LE MONDE”, in an article published on 05/19/1977:
"Modibo Keita, this combative and tenacious nationalist who entered the political arena at a young age, was ... a man respected by his compatriots and listened to on the international scene. His distinction, his natural and smiling authority, had pleased General de Gaulle. ... He can be considered one of the great leaders of "revolutionary" black Africa as it existed in the aftermath of the 1960s."
The Quest for Emancipation
After two decades of fighting, French colonial troops finally succeeded in conquering Sudan. The bravery and stubborn resistance of men like? El Hadj Oumar Tal, Samory Touré (1) ,? Tiéba (2) ,? Babemba (3) ?(to name but a few) were not enough to compensate for the imbalance of forces.
The Sudanese would pay dearly for their defeat: Forced to defend the freedom of the French during the 1914-1918 war (as "Senegalese riflemen"), many Sudanese lost their lives. Others, victims of the compulsory forced labor established by the colonizer, died on the construction sites of major works such as the construction of the Dakar/Niger railway (route for penetrating and pillaging the colonies).
THE DARK FORCE:
Hundreds of thousands of Africans were torn from their families to be forcibly enlisted in the colonizer's army and serve the latter's interests.
These Africans, called " Senegalese riflemen " were "recruited" from all the French colonies. On the battlefields they were often sent to the front lines. Perhaps because in his book, " La Force Noire ", the French General Mangin wrote in particular:
" Africans have a less developed nervous system and therefore less sensitive to pain " .
Between 1914 and 1918, 180,000 "Senegalese riflemen" will fight in France. More than 30,000 will die there. Until 1962 they will intervene successively in Morocco, Syria, France, Tunisia, Chad and Indochina.
The long struggle for independence:
Faced with exploitation and humiliation, workers' and peasants' revolts gradually became organised: the Bamanan revolt of Diossé Traoré in 1915, that of the railway workers of Toukoto in 1919 and that of Kayes.
These struggles were often fiercely repressed.
In 1921, the railway workers' movement under the leadership of T iémoko Garan Kouyaté (4) led to the deportation or exile of the "leaders".
It was only after 1936 that the first unions were authorised with many restrictions.
But it was around 1944/1946 that the union struggle was organized. In 1944, the Ivorian Félix Houphou?t-Boigny founded the African Agricultural Union.
On April 5, 1946, the Palais Bourbon in Paris voted to end forced labor for African workers. They had become aware of their strength and were determined to fight to improve their living conditions. They would equip themselves with a political structure that matched their ambitions: the RDA (African Democratic Rally).
This party was to bring together the political parties of the French territories of black Africa, and thus constitute an effective means of pressure against the colonial authority.
The founding congress of the RDA took place in Bamako from October 18 to 21, 1946, to general enthusiasm. There were 800 delegates from different countries: Ivory Coast, Guinea, Senegal, Dahomey, Niger, Sudan, Cameroon and Chad.
On October 22, 1946, a congress gave birth to the USRDA (Union Soudanaise RDA), the Sudanese section of the RDA. This party was born from the merger of three others: the "Sudanese Bloc" of Mamadou Konaté (5) , the "Democratic Party" of Modibo Keita and a dissident part of the PSP (Sudanese Progressive Party) of Fily Dabo Sissoko (6) .
The latter, a recognized man of letters, believed in the civilizing duty of colonization. The PSP was the main political rival of the USRDA. It was described by its adversaries as a "party of collaboration" and accused of benefiting from the benevolent assistance of the colonial administration.
Mamadou Konaté was elected president of the USRDA. He was a respected man, intellectually upright and of great wisdom.
Modibo Keita, himself, became the party's secretary general. Back at his post as a teacher in Sikasso, Modibo Keita would lead a political struggle on the ground that would attract the wrath of the colonial administration.
Speaking of Modibo Keita, the French governor Louveau said:
"An intelligent madman, whom I consider dangerous. The director of the Sikasso instructors' course has managed to gain almost absolute authority, an undeniable personal influence over the former riflemen, over a section of the civil servants and over a significant portion of the population. ... Modibo Keita uses this influence to disintegrate the indigenous chiefdoms and to combat by all means the authority of the French administration ... He continually provokes or exploits incidents to diminish the authority of our administration."
But neither the transfer of Sikasso to Kabara, nor the prison (at "La Santé") affected the determination and growing popularity of the Secretary General of the US-RDA.
Thanks to their tenacity and their knowledge of the terrain and the laws, nationalist activists of the US-RDA successfully resisted colonial repression.
Thus, the activist Aoua Keita (7) prevented the colonial administration from influencing the 1951 elections in Gao. This midwife, a conscience-raiser, was demoted and assigned to Casamence. Despite this harassment, she continued her political and union activism and influenced several generations of African women.
After the framework law or "Gaston Defferre law" events will move quickly. The RDA has become an essential force thanks to the value of its activists and its electoral successes.
The march of Africans towards independence will never stop.
Support for national liberation movements
"The time has come for each African State to draw the necessary lessons dictated by both patriotism and morality, namely that as long as the people are not liberated, they still have a revolution to accomplish."
(Modibo Keita)
“Mali determined to do anything. …”
Frantz Fanon (1) did not fail to emphasize the commitment of Modibo Keita's Mali to the national liberation and emancipation movements of the people. He said in particular:
"Mali, determined to do anything, fervent and brutal, coherent and singularly sharp, extended the bridgehead and opened up precious perspectives"
As if to confirm this analysis by Frantz Fanon, Modibo Keita reaffirmed his commitment on May 30, 1962 at the Grand Kremlin Palace in Moscow, in these terms:
" Mali cannot consider its mission accomplished as long as a single inch of African soil is occupied by greedy colonialists. "
We can recall the material support of Mali to the Algerian fighters of the FLN (2) fighting for their independence. This support also created "friction" between Mali and France and was a subject of divergence between Modibo Keita and the Senegalese LS Senghor within the Mali federation.
In June 1960, the "renovation" of the Community caused its breakup, through the about-face of Félix Houphou?t-Boigny. Only Modibo Keita's Mali openly embraced the Algerian cause, even offering its territory to open a new Saharan front to the FLN in several cities in Mali such as Timbuktu, Kidal or Gao, where the headquarters of a unit of Algerian fighters was installed. The other States resulting from the Community, meeting in Abidjan in October and in Brazzaville in December, proposed a mediation that the GPRA (3) judged "inopportune."
Note that if Modibo Keita helped Algeria to wage war on the colonialist, he also helped it to make peace with Morocco in order to put an end to the "sand war" which opposed these two Arab countries in 1963.
On the Congo problem, Modibo's position, like that of Nkrumah, was to oppose foreign interventions. With Ben Bella, Nyerere, Nasser, Kenyatta and Sekou Toure he tried to save the Zairian revolution.
The Algerian Ben Bella, who evokes the memory of Che Guevara in the columns of the newspaper "Le Monde Diplomatique", writes:
"In parallel with the action of "Che", we were carrying out another action for the rescue of the armed revolution of the West of Zaire. In agreement with Nyerere, Nasser, Modibo Keita, Nkrumah, Kenyatta and Sékou Touré, Algeria made its contribution by sending weapons via Egypt through a real airlift, while Uganda and Mali were responsible for providing military cadres.
It was in Cairo, where we were gathered, that we had designed this rescue plan and we were beginning to implement it when a desperate appeal was addressed to us by the leaders of the armed struggle. Unfortunately, despite our efforts, our action came too late and this revolution was drowned in blood by the assassins of Patrice Lumumba (4) "
A beautiful era for Africa: a time full of promise and hope. A time when the solidarity of peoples in their struggle for their emancipation was not an empty phrase.
After the assassination of Lumumba in 1960, Modibo Keita provided assistance to Antoine Gizenga: in February 1961, the Bamako government recognized not only the GPRA (Provisional Government of the Algerian Revolution) but also the Congolese government installed in Stanleyville (Kisangani) by Antoine Gizenga.
In 1964, Zairian President Tshombe asked to meet Modibo Keita to, according to the Malian president, "commit to redeeming himself" by freeing the imprisoned nationalists and their leader (A. Gizenga). According to Modibo Keita, Tshombe had also made a commitment, during their meeting in Koro, to achieve "reconciliation and the elimination of foreign interventions" in Congo-Leopoldville (Zaire).
" But events unfolded differently ," notes the Malian leader.
Mali was the first African state to be officially represented in Stanleyville with the "Lumumbist" government.
In addition to the Congolese nationalists and the FLN in Algeria, Modibo Keita provided assistance to liberation movements in Angola, Mozambique and Guinea-Bissau.
He also spared no effort in supporting anti-apartheid activists in South Africa.
Under the leadership of Modibo Keita, Mali had become a hotbed of African nationalism where most of the nationalist leaders of the continent and elsewhere went.
Thus between 1960 and 1967, Modibo Keita received, in particular, visits from:
Nelson Mandela of South Africa,
Ben Bella and Abdel Aziz Bouteflika of Algeria,
Gamal Abdel Nasser of Egypt,
Antoine Gizenga of Congo,
Marshal Tito of Yugoslavia,
Chou En-Lai of China, …
And also, most of the leaders of the Swapo of South-West Africa (Namibia), the Liberation Movements of Angola , Mozambique , Cape Verde or Guinea -Bissau .
In December 1965, Mali broke off diplomatic relations with London to condemn the English attitude in the matter of the independence of Southern Rhodesia, proclaimed unilaterally by the white minority of this territory.
Modibo Keita also actively supported Ho Chi Minh in the Vietnam War of Liberation.
Whether from Africa, Asia or Latin America, Modibo Keita was involved in all the struggles for the emancipation of the oppressed.
This is what Modibo Keita said about this commitment:
"Wherever the African man, man in general, was enslaved, flouted, our Party did not seek criminal mediation; it resolutely brought aid to our oppressed brothers. This clarity in our positions, this constancy and this fidelity, have earned us (and this will be our happiness) the confidence of all African patriots in combat who, tomorrow as today, will find in us the constant support that they have the right to demand from the committed brothers that we are."
The Quest for African Unity
Modibo Keita and the USRDA had a concern: the balkanization of Africa. For them, it was necessary to create African unity and thus form a large entity facing imperialist Europe and capitalist America.
?At the third congress of the RDA, Modibo received the congress participants from the different countries of AOF (French West Africa), in these terms: "? It was in Bamako, in the heart of Sudan, that the RDA was born in October 1946 while the reactionary forces, shaken by the liberating breath of the end of the war, tried to regain a foothold to deprive us of the freedoms dearly acquired with our broad participation ?."
Leaning towards the federalist theses of the Nigerien leader Bakary Djibo (1) who advocates " independence in a confederal union of sovereign states united around France ", Modibo Keita will call for a "YES" vote during the 1958 referendum, in the name of African unity.
The creation of the Mali federation was the culmination of a pan-Africanist dream: Initially, it was a question of federating the greatest number of territories of the AOF. Ivory Coast and Niger (which was no longer headed by Bakary Djibo) were anti-federal and were therefore excluded. Guinea was already independent (it answered no to the referendum). There remained: Senegal, Sudan, Dahomey, Upper Volta and Mauritania.
Finally, the union will be made between two: Sudan and Senegal.
Unfortunately, this pioneering work of Pan-Africanism that raised immense hopes throughout Africa and the world would not last long.
Among the many causes of the breakup of the Mali Federation , we can note the divergence of political and economic conception. Léopold Sédar Senghor was in favor of maintaining close relations with the former colonizer while Modibo Keita envisaged an accelerated Africanization of the executives and had a more radical position.
On August 23, 1960, Senghor declared: " Colonization was more brutal, harsher in Sudan than in Senegal. Hence a certain Sudanese radicalism... "
Modibo Keita, for his part, affirmed: " We violated our conscience for a long time by working with Senghor. We could not continue on this path ."
The breakup of the Mali Federation was a great disappointment.
Sudan will gain independence under the name of "Mali" and the quest for African unity will continue:
Let us note in particular, Mali's participation in the creation of the Inter-State Committee which will become the Organization of Riparian States of the Senegal River and then, OMVS
Union of African States (UEA)
We also remember the famous Ghana-Guinea-Mali union :
In May 1961, the Guinean Sékou Touré, the Ghanaian Nkrumah and the Malian Modibo Keita created a Union of "progressive" African States : UEA .
A summit bringing together the three heads of state was held in December in Conakry to denounce the situation in the former Belgian Congo.
The three countries would create, with Nasser's Egypt and Mohammed V's Morocco, the "Casablanca group" which supported the Algerian FLN and opposed French nuclear tests carried out in the Sahara.
The Organization of African Unity (OAU)
Modibo Keita would play a leading role in the signing of the charter of the Organization of African Unity (OAU) in Addis Ababa on May 25, 1963: Many of the recommendations of this charter were of Malian inspiration.
The importance of Modibo Keita's contribution during this first summit of the Organization of African Unity was underlined by the Senegalese President, Léopold Sédar Senghor, who, upon receiving the Malian leader in Dakar in December 1966, addressed him in these terms:
" You are a great African who has played a vital role in our councils, particularly in the Organization of African Unity, thanks to your love for Africa ."
The Bamako Conference
Modibo Keita mediator between Algeria and Morocco
In the service of African unity, Modibo Keita will spare no effort to resolve crises between African countries:
Thus, on October 29 and 30, 1963, he received in Bamako the King of Morocco, the Algerian President and the Emperor of Ethiopia (then President of the OAU) to put an end to the "sand war" (border conflict between Algeria and Morocco): The OAU had just overcome its first crisis.
A crisis overcome thanks, in particular, to the international prestige and the notorious charisma of the Malian leader. Because, before the intervention of Modibo Keita, there were several unsuccessful attempts at negotiation between the two countries at the initiative of important players in the political life of the continent:
The Tunisian president, Habib Bourguiba, was the first to try, in vain, to establish a dialogue between the two belligerents.
– From October 15 to 17, 1963, the Ethiopian emperor Haile Selassie, then president of the OAU, failed in his attempt at mediation in Marrakech.
– The call by Gamal Abdel Nasser, President of the United Arab Republic, for a North African summit will not have any more success.
– The offer of mediation, launched by the Arab League, was also rejected.
The success of the Bamako conference clearly shows that Modibo Keita was respected by other heads of state and was listened to on the international scene.
It was to protect Africa against such a crisis that Modibo Keita insisted, during the OAU summit, on the need to respect the borders resulting from colonization in order to facilitate the construction of African unity.
A recommendation, which was then included in the charter of the organization.
From 1963 to 1966 Modibo Keita normalized Mali's relations with its Mauritanian, Senegalese, Ivorian and Voltaic neighbors.
In February 1963: Mauritanian President Mokhtar Ould Daddah met Modibo Keita in Kayes and concluded an agreement with him that put an end to the border disputes between the two countries.
Pan-Africanism was even enshrined in the Malian Constitution, Article 48 of which stipulated:
" The Republic of Mali may conclude with any African state association or community agreements including the partial or total abandonment of sovereignty with a view to achieving African unity ."
Breakup of the Mali Federation
"The Federation of Mali as a territorial entity no longer exists. … We remain mobilized for the idea of the Federation which, despite everything, remains a virile seed of African unity"
(Modibo Keita)
A PAN-AFRICAN DREAM: The Mali Federation
At the end of the 1950s, the debate on federalism aroused deep antagonisms within the African political class. Four countries decided to react to the fragmentation of French-speaking Africa: French Sudan (now Mali), Senegal, Upper Volta (now Burkina Faso) and Dahomey (now Benin).
By receiving the representatives of these countries in Bamako on December 29 and 30, 1958, Modibo Keita (the inspiration behind the project) realized a dream: to lay the foundations of an "African union."
A few weeks later, on January 17, 1959, in Dakar, the four delegations agreed on a draft constitution.
Around Modibo Keita, the representatives of Senegal (Doudou Gueye and Mamadou Dia), Dahomey (Sourou Apithy) and Upper Volta (Nazi Boni, André and Joseph Ouédraogo). The Mauritanian (Hassen 2nd from the left) had observer status.
But under the converging pressures of France and the Ivorian president, Félix Houphouet Boigny, Dahomey and Upper Volta will withdraw.
The union is then reduced to a Senegalese-Sudanese tête-à-tête.
On April 4, 1959, the deputies chose Léopold Sédar Senghor as president of the assembly and elected Modibo Keita as head of the federal government.
The election of the head of state was scheduled for August 27, 1960, but the federation would not survive until that date: it would break up on August 20, 1960.
During its short life, the Mali federation will therefore be led by Modibo Keita, president of the council and head of government.
The federal government then comprised eight main members: four Senegalese and four Sudanese.
The management team of the Mali federation :
President of the Council – Head of Government Modibo Keita (Sudan)
Vice President – Minister of Defense: Mamadou Dia (Senegal)
Minister of Justice: Boubacar Guèye (Senegal)
Minister of Information and Security: Tidiani Traoré (Sudan)
Minister of Public Service: Ousmane Bà (Sudan)
Minister of Finance: Doudou Thiam (Senegal)
Minister of Public Works: Amadou Mamadou Aw (Sudan)
Minister of Education and Health; Abdoulaye Fofana (Senegal)
Mali was born. But it was (at first) "ignored" by General De Gaulle, who said:
" I know the Republic of Sudan; I know the Republic of Senegal; I don't know the Federation of Mali. "
Thus, the new state had difficulty finding its place within the "community"
To protest and change this situation, Modibo Keita boycotted the third session of the executive council of the said community. He explained this on French television:
De Gaulle's attitude would eventually change and on 15 May 1959, the French president received Modibo Keita and announced to him that he agreed to recognise the existence of the Mali Federation within the Community.
But the new state will only last a few months.
Senegalese, Sudanese and French blame each other for the failure.
To get an idea of the role of each, we will determine the real causes of the breakup of the Mali federation.
The reasons for the breakup:
The federation would not last long: 506 days, of which only 2 months were of real exercise. It would break up on the night of August 19-20, 1960, without having been able to elect its president.
Whose fault is it? The Senegalese? The Sudanese? The French?
In any case, reducing the causes of this outbreak exclusively to personal quarrels does not correspond to reality.
It is true that, a priori, between the one who was considered " the most African of the Sudanese " and the one that Christian Roche designated as " the most European of the Africans ", the collaboration did not necessarily seem simple.
Modibo Keita and Léopold Sédar Senghor, who had known each other since 1946, were two men who were completely different:
– The first, Modibo Keita, an experienced trade unionist, strongly expressed the pride and values specific to the African personality. He was a man of principle, not inclined to compromise.
– The second, Léopold Sédar Senghor, well-versed in the subtleties of the Fourth Republic, endowed with an encyclopedic culture, had a penchant for “ dynamic compromises ”. While affirming the desire to take root in African culture, he sought to appropriate Western culture, and wanted (unlike the Sudanese leader) to maintain close relations with the former colonizer.
In addition to the antagonism between the two men, differences in style and method, different ideological orientations are among the many factors that led to the breakup of the Mali federation.
We can cite:
The difference in conception of the federal experience: The Sudanese saw the Mali federation as a step towards a unitary state, the Senegalese stuck to the idea of a more flexible confederation
Disagreement over the type of relationship with France: A supporter of the Africanization of executives, Modibo Keita denounced the presence of French civil servants in certain positions of responsibility within the Senegalese administration and openly affirmed his sympathies for the FLN (1) during the Algerian War. Senghor, for his part, did not approve of such positions, which he found too "radical" and "unfriendly" towards France.
Some political initiatives by the Sudanese were considered by the country's leaders as "interference in the internal affairs" of Senegal. This accusation concerned in particular the direct contacts that Modibo Keita had established (during his frequent tours within Senegal) with local political and religious leaders.
The presence of hundreds of Sudanese civil servants who "populated" the various federal administrations became increasingly embarrassing for certain Senegalese who did not hesitate to alert the population to the risks of "Sudanese colonization."
The differences over the timetable for the establishment of an African common market and the creation of a large African monetary zone are no longer limited to the former French colonies in Africa.
The lively controversies about the choice of the future president of the federation whose election was scheduled for August 27, 1960: Should the president of the federation be Modibo Keita or Léopold Sédar Senghor? If the Sudanese were all united behind Modibo Keita, the Senegalese, for their part, were divided and were divided between those who would support Léopold Sédar Senghor and those who would prefer a candidacy of Lamine Guèye (2) .
The writer and ethnologist, Amadou Hampaté Ba (3) ,
witness to the events, describes the "explosive situation"
which prevailed in Dakar when he arrived there on August 19, 1960:
Amadou Hampaté Ba
Amadou Hampaté Ba
"When I arrived, the federal elections were imminent. The deputies of Senegal and Sudan, who had been summoned to Dakar, occupied all the hotels and lodgings.
President Modibo Keita, who was impatiently waiting for me, sent Doctor Doudou Gueye to welcome me and provide my lodging.
Doudou Gueye was accompanied by our mutual friend, Mr. Rouyat, with whom he himself had taken refuge, his home no longer being safe.
What had happened?
Things were going very badly now between the leaders of the Mali Federation. They had divided into three groups:
– The group loyal to the Mali federation composed of all the Sudanese and some Senegalese, the most notorious of whom were Colonel Soumaré and Doctor Doudou Guèye, to name only two among many others;
– The pro-Lamine Guèye group. This great beacon, dean, sun of African politics, was, alas, losing momentum. Shouldn't every sun, here below, know a setting? The great Lamine Guèye had certainly not been unworthy, but a regrettable incident had made him lose the support of the Grand Marabout Seydou Nourou Tall and, consequently, of a good part of the Toucouleurs of the river and the Ouolofs Tidjani;
– Finally, the Léopold Sédar Senghor-Mamadou Dia group, strongly supported by most of the great marabouts of Senegal, including Thierno Seydou Nourou Tall.
Thus divided into two groups (pro-Lamine Guèye and Senghor-Dia) the Senegalese had no chance of winning the elections which were to take place to designate the head of state of the federation and his ministers, while the Sudanese, united, would easily make their candidate triumph who could be none other than Modibo Kéita, already Head of Government.
It was therefore necessary to prevent the vote from taking place: only the Senghor-Dia group could succeed in this titanic feat. Did it not have all the assets on its side: the Mouride and Tidjan forces, the church and, at that time (unlike the period at the beginning of the federation) tacitly France?
This was, briefly explained, the explosive situation that I found on my arrival in Dakar on August 19, 1960.
Amadou Hampaté Ba.
The first serious hitch in the functioning of the institutions of the Mali Federation occurred at the end of July on the occasion of the appointment of the chief of staff:
On July 30, 1960, the federal government's council of ministers decided to appoint Colonel Soumaré (a Senegalese with Sudanese ties) to the post of chief of staff. Mamadou Dia, Minister of Defense, who had proposed Colonel Fall , refused to countersign the decree as required by the federal constitution of June 18, 1960.
He was thus protesting against what he considered an encroachment on his prerogatives.
This will have serious consequences for the rest of the events.
Did the Senegalese leaders take advantage of the " clumsiness " or " errors of judgment " of the "slightly too activist " Sudanese to get out of a commitment that had become embarrassing?
Twenty-five years after the events, Mamadou Dia, in his memoirs, admits to having said the following to Senghor at the time:
"You will be the president or Mali will explode. It is up to them to take responsibility for this explosion by perjuring themselves. If we do not succeed in obtaining respect for their word (4) , we will proclaim the Republic of Senegal and you will be its president."
The course of events will be in accordance with this threat.
However, the federalist convictions of Mamadou Dia and Modibo Keita cannot be called into question. So? …
Looking back, in 1999, Mamadou Dia gave an explanation:
" It (the failure of the Federation) resulted from objective and subjective causes, the most decisive of which seems to be linked to the fact that the designers of the project had not sufficiently taken into account the strength of micro-nationalism in the minds of political leaders and the populations themselves. Added to this is the fact that after the withdrawal of our other partners, the Federation was reduced to a tête-à-tête between Senegalese and Sudanese which could only be a dialogue of the deaf at the time, without the possibility of arbitration or even democratic resolution of conflicts.
Let us also admit that many Senegalese were not enthusiastic about a federal construction to which they felt they had contributed everything, particularly Dakar and its infrastructure, without any real compensation.
And that the Sudanese side was not exempt from sins either. "
Website address: https://www.modibo-keita.site