WEST AFRICA'S DRUG CONUNDRUM
Joel Joshua
Legal and Contract Manager | Energy & Environmental Law | Opinions expressed are mine
The drug war and an increased demand for illicit drugs, mostly Cocaine and Heroin in Europe have introduced a new trend in drug trafficking worldwide. With political instability, inadequate security personnel, institutionalized corruption, widespread poverty, weak criminal justice system, weak financial controls to combat money laundering and the threat of terrorism, the ever resilient drug trade seems to have discovered Africa as its new route to the more profitable European market (Reid, 2013). At this rate, West Africa is being turned into a classical example of the Mexican case.
Therefore, West Africa is confronted with two problems. First, the drug trade has a capacity to destabilise governance in the region further as in the cases of Guinea Bissau and Guinea Conakry and in this region where governance is nascent and facing myriad of challenges, disruption will further undermine governments. Secondly, West African States like many on the continent have draconian sanctions regarding use of illicit drugs as drug use is criminalised and users are treated as offenders and not “patients”. This policy can over-burden the penal system and promotes a rather punitive and ineffective way of dealing with the issue.
Research shows that the drug consumption and addiction problem is prevalent in societies with low literacy levels (Perez et al. 2002, 3). With 11 West African states having below 50% on literacy rates (UNESCO 2012, 1), States must consciously seek a method that treats and educates on the consequences of drug use as opposed to punishing users who lack basic knowledge of their habit. African States have taken note of the disturbing trends and in January 2013, the Conference of Ministers of Drug Control of the AU adopted a 5-year strategy on drug control that will run from 2013-2017. This Plan of Action while taking into consideration present realities seeks to restore balance in the areas of supply reduction and health and other social consequences of drug use, while not also neglecting law-enforcement approaches (AU 2013, IV).
It is laudable that the AU has deemed it a responsibility to galvanise African countries to respond to this threat while recognising that West Africa’s peculiarities puts it risk. Therefore, the stress is on evidence-based approaches means that West Africa must learn from the successes and failures of many other climes in the global drug war. This essay posits policies that will curb instability and improve the drug policy of West African States.
First, to stem drug trafficking, policing should be intensified. Experts say that the drug trafficking in West Africa is still at infancy but if the criminal networks continue to rise, so will violence (rendering policing more challenging) (McGuire 2010, 32). Apart from the fact that Europe is now a profitable market, another reason West Africa is a preferable route for trafficking Andean Cocaine are the policing efforts of American and Mexican law-enforcers in the Americas. However, in contrast to the repressive-styled policing that contributes to violence, West Africa will fare better with an intelligence-based approach which incorporates international efforts. Intelligence-based policing has led to large seizures by EU law enforcement agencies operating in international waters (UNODC 2012, ) this approach will promote networking and reduce the cost of policing for West African States as the international community especially the EU is helping financially and even seeking greater ways to assist (European Union 2013, 1).
Also, West Africa must pioneer a shift from the draconian laws governing drug use and minor possession since increased distribution and abuse of narcotics are often seen in both production and transit states, bringing a host of other problems such as larger domestic criminal groups, lower economic productivity, and higher rates of drug addiction and dependence (INCB 2002, 7–8; Williams 1994, 108). Although drug use attracts strict penalties but it is paradoxical that the approach has failed as drug use is still widespread among the West African youth population (15-64); the UNODC estimates up to 13.5% of this demographic group consume cannabis (UNODC 2012, 90). Therefore, it has become anti-reform to term drug users, “criminals”. West African countries must now implement a pro-reform health-based regime that aims to educate and rehabilitate drug users. Legislative reform must also accompany this policy to ensure efficient operation of this regime (Obasanjo 2013, 8).
Furthermore, research has linked drug abuse to low literacy levels. Average literacy level in West Africa is barely 50% (UNESCO 2012, 1) and when these two trends are connected, they present a challenge for the region. It becomes pertinent that West African States must embark on literacy interventions and enlightenment campaigns. Drug education must be promoted at all levels of the school system in West African countries. Education and enlightenment should not stop at the classroom levels but must be taken to the public to reach illiterate adults. Governments can also work closely with NGOs in pursuing this goal of drug literacy.
Overall, trafficking through West Africa appears to make little market sense because to make use of the region as a way station, traffickers must add kilometres and thus risk, to their traditional smuggling routes. This behaviour is attributed to other fundamental problems like poverty, corruption and lack of the rule of law (UNODC 2007, 11; McGuire 2010, 27). The threats now posed places even more pressure on African governments to tackle these fundamental challenges. Since the drug trade is a risky one, people will opt for better licit means of livelihood.
The intelligence-based policing will shift reactions from reactive to a proactive approach. The AU Plan of Action takes an important step in this direction as it emphasizes data collection and analysis as a universal priority (EU 2013, 11). Also, the harm-reduction policy is being practised in some African countries like Kenya and Tanzania who have introduced methadone injection programmes (AU 2011, 1).
In conclusion, to effectively combat the threat will require a multi-faceted response, no single approach can work. In this regard, lessons can be drawn from other sectors, including in development and the fight against corruption or income inequality, or from the coordinated counter-terrorism strategy. A coordinated response is an important step towards combating these threats.
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