What it Feels to be a Citizen ? (context: in a Society Marked by Inequality and Corruption)
In the closing class of Filsafat Politik Course in STF Driyarkara EC program, Prof. Supeli wrote "mengulang ratapan Rousseau, 'Kami punya banyak fisikawan, ahli biometrik, ahli kimia, astronom, penyair, musisi, dan pelukis; tapi kita tidak lagi punya warga negara di tengah tengah kami,'" **) or
"We have physicists, geometricians, chemists, astronomers, poets, musicians, and painters in plenty; but we have no longer a citizen among us" *)
and continued
"or if there be found a few scattered over our abandoned countryside, they are left to perish there unnoticed and neglected. Such is the condition to which we are reduced, and such are our feelings towards those who give us our daily bread, and our children milk" *)
Rousseau, a Genevan philosopher of the Enlightenment era, often expressed concerns about the impact of societal progress and specialization on civic virtues and the concept of citizenship. The essence of this statement aligns with Rousseau's broader critique of modern society, where he observed that the development of specialized professions and the pursuit of individualistic goals could lead to a decline in communal values and civic engagement. He feared that in a society overly focused on individual achievements and specialized knowledge, the role and importance of the citizen – someone actively engaged in the communal and political life of their community – might diminish.
Rousseau's discourse, written in response to a prompt from the Academy of Dijon, critically examines the impact of arts and sciences on society's morals, suggesting that these advancements might corrupt rather than purify human character. His views highlight the potential negative effects of societal and technological advancements on human behavior and moralityIn a society increasingly dominated by specialists – like physicists, biometricians, chemists, astronomers, poets, musicians, and artists – there is a diminishing presence and appreciation of true citizenship. Rousseau feared that with the rise of individualistic pursuits and professional specialization, the collective civic responsibility and the communal engagement that define a robust, democratic society were being neglected. He feared that without a strong sense of citizenship and community, the very fabric of society could weaken, leading to moral decline and political instability.
Rousseau laments the prevalence of specialists and professionals in various fields like physics, biometrics, chemistry, astronomy, poetry, music, and painting. While acknowledging the advancements and achievements in these areas, he expresses a deep concern that amidst all these specialists, the concept of being a "citizen" has diminished. He reflects his concerns about the state of citizenship and civic virtue in society. Rousseau often critiqued the ways in which society and its institutions can corrupt natural human virtues and the sense of community.
For Rousseau, being a citizen wasn't just about living in a particular place or being a member of a society. His critique is a call for a balance between individual accomplishments and civic duty. It was about active participation, civic engagement, and a sense of collective responsibility. He believed that in focusing too much on individualistic pursuits and specialized professions, society was losing sight of the communal and civic virtues that bind people together and make a robust, democratic society possible.
While, the quote reflects Rousseau's broader philosophical views on the nature of human beings and the importance of balancing personal freedoms with the needs of the community, however, this perspective takes a different dimension when we consider societies far removed from Rousseau's ideal, especially those deeply divided by wealth and power, and where corruption is rampant.
Due to my lack of exercise in philosophy discipline, I was intrigued how this theory to be applied in countries where a vast chasm exists between the rich and the poor, and where the influence of oligarchs and exploitative forces overshadows the contributions of professionals across various fields. These societies are not just facing a decline in civic virtues and citizenship but are MAINLY grappling with deep-rooted systemic inequalities and pervasive social injustices.
In a country characterized by a stark division between the wealthy and the poor, and where the prevalence of oligarchs and "hungry wolves" (a metaphor for those who exploit or oppress others) overshadows the presence of professionals in fields like physics, biometrics, chemistry, gastronomy, poetry, music, and art, the situation takes on a different dimension compared to what Rousseau discussed.
In such a context, the issues at hand are not just about the loss of civic virtues and citizenship, but also about systemic inequalities, social injustice, and the absence of equitable opportunities. This scenario indicates a society where the concentration of power and wealth in the hands of a few leads to the marginalization and disenfranchisement of the majority. It's a stark contrast to Rousseau's ideal of a society where citizens are actively engaged and where there's a balance between individual rights and communal responsibilities.
In addressing these issues, it's crucial to work towards a more equitable distribution of resources, ensure fair representation of all societal groups in governance, and create an environment that nurtures intellectual and cultural growth. Policies aimed at reducing inequality, combating corruption, and promoting social justice are essential in transforming such a society into one where all citizens can thrive and contribute meaningfully.
This severe economic disparities and inequality often lead to limited access to essential services for the underprivileged, perpetuating a vicious cycle of poverty. Moreover, the power dynamics dominated by a few result in corrupt practices, nepotism, and decision-making that disproportionately favors the elite, to the detriment of the larger population.
The lack of representation and voice for the average citizen in these societies leads to a sense of disenfranchisement and powerlessness. This can result in widespread apathy, a disconnection from civic duties, and in some cases, social unrest. Additionally, the lack of support for cultural and intellectual development results in stagnation, as the environment does not encourage or value creative and scientific pursuits.
Given these conditions, Rousseau's model, which emphasizes a balance between individual rights and communal responsibilities, might not be entirely applicable. Alternative philosophical models, like ?? Social Justice, ?? Critical Theory offer more relevant frameworks that focus on equitable wealth distribution, critique of power structures, and inclusive decision-making, respectively.
Implementing policies that address inequality, combat corruption, and promote social justice is vital for transforming these societies. Fair representation in governance and fostering environments conducive to intellectual and cultural growth are equally crucial. These efforts are necessary to create societies where all citizens, regardless of their economic status, can thrive and contribute meaningfully.
Not until then, the noble insight of Rousseau (?? Participatory Democracy) may be applicable in this backward country.
To my satisfaction, Professor Supelli provided a brilliant breakthrough when she concludes the class, borrowing the theories of citizenship "Apa Rasanya Menjadi Warga Negara (X - the context)?" **) to answer my question specifically and to close the class in general.
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This discussion stem from reflections and/or empirical experiences of Western societies. These theories have not yet taken into account the conditions of post-colonial societies like country X. The studies compiled by Van Klinken and Berenschot lead to interesting conclusions. The formal citizenship that emerges in the citizenship theories discussed above has not yet been applicable to post-colonial countries like country X.
To understand the factual patterns of citizenship in country X, Van Klinken employs the approach of citizenship regimes. This approach attempts to recognize general patterns of citizenship relationships based on the concrete day-to-day interactions of citizens with the state. A similar approach is used by other researchers to understand the informal, evolving character of citizenship that is not covered in the conventional theories of citizenship.
There are three main conclusions in Van Klinken's study:
First, contemporary citizenship in country X inherits a clientelistic bureaucracy from the pre-colonial era, which was then perpetuated during the colonial period when the imperialist chose to govern their colony through local nobility. The day-to-day interactions of citizens with the state are not formed by rules and laws, but by personal relationships and clientelistic exchange norms between citizens and state actors.
Second, the post-reformation democratization process has not yet succeeded in strengthening the organization of state institutions. The high costs of local elections and general elections result in clandestine exchanges between politicians and bureaucrats with business actors, benefiting these business actors.
Third, the very large informal economic sector (sic: in a land where having millions of Micro SMEs are adored) makes it difficult for workers to seek protection through legal channels and often relies on strong political intermediaries and ethnic networks to limit transaction costs and protect their livelihoods. Access to resources is highly dependent on clientelistic exchanges.
So, what kind of citizenship emerges from this long history? Following the tradition of citizenship studies that include citizens' rights, participation, and identity, here is a summary of the conclusions from Berenschot & van Klinken (2019) mentioned in the class:
1. The Informal Nature of Citizenship Rights: The text highlights a discrepancy between the formal expansion of citizens' rights (as documented in laws up to 2012) and the actual ability of citizens to realize these rights, which in some areas is not improving or even declining. This gap is attributed to the informal character of the state, where political interference in bureaucracy and policy weakens the rule of law. Citizens' ability to realize formal rights, and thus the quality of their citizenship, depends on the quality of their personal networks. Practices favoring the oligarchy exacerbate societal disparities, with informal citizenship being shaped by and reproducing social inequalities. In a "backward" society, the formal codification of rights might not translate into actual empowerment for citizens. This disconnect, caused by informal state practices and political interference, is a significant issue in societies struggling with democratic development and effective governance.
2. Layered Social Identity and Citizenship: Traditional community concepts influence understandings of citizens' rights, with identity groups often becoming intermediaries in citizens' dealings with the state. Membership in these groups partly determines the relationship between citizens and the state, affecting access to resources. This results in layered citizenship identities: community membership mediates the relationship with the state. Strong religious identities further influence citizenship interpretation and practice, pushing the state towards enforcing religious morality. The emphasis on traditional community roles and strong religious identities influencing citizenship reflects challenges in societies where modern state mechanisms are intertwined with or overshadowed by traditional, communal, or religious structures. This layering can complicate the realization of a universal, equitable concept of citizenship.
Participation:The post-reform public space is active with various social-political movements (labor unions, human rights activists, farmer, fisher, and women’s organizations, etc.). On one hand, there are indications of active, critical citizens developing a republican tradition of citizenship, prioritizing the community to expand and protect citizens' rights. On the other hand, citizens still depend on informal state institution patterns through personal connections with power holders. Connections are more important than formal rights, leading to the treatment of citizen rights as privileges granted by authorities and intermediaries/brokers, rather than as impersonal rights inherently held by all citizens. The active social-political movements indicate a striving towards better civic engagement and participation, which is essential in any society's progress. However, the reliance on informal networks and personal connections over formal rights highlights a significant barrier to democratic maturity and equitable governance.
This text presents a critical analysis of citizenship in a society where formal structures are undermined by informal practices and where identity and personal networks play a significant role in determining one's access to rights and resources. It reflects on the challenges in realizing a more inclusive and equitable form of citizenship.
I learned that she shared the same belief that education children is the main backbone to have a citizen civil focus society. She is using different terminology, but in my vocabulary she meant to say "creating a society with noble shared values, system 1 thinking, automatic, reflect, muscle memory". The fact that she emphasized on the early education is a highlight of the 16 weeks-course.
REFERENCES:
Rousseau, J.-J. (1950). Discourse on the arts and sciences. (p.14). In G. D. H. Cole (Trans.), The social contract and discourses., New York: E. P. Dutton, 1950 p. 169. Retrieved on Dec 19, 2023 from https://lnkd.in/duS9F3K4
Supeli, K. (2023). "Kewarnegaraan: Konsep Yang Sempat Usang", in-class material in EC Filsafat Politik 2023, Unpublished, STF Driyarkara, Jakarta.
APPENDIX:
Social Justice:
John Rawls: Perhaps the most influential modern philosopher in the realm of social justice, Rawls is known for his work "A Theory of Justice" (1971). In this work, he presents the idea of 'justice as fairness' and introduces the concepts of the original position and the veil of ignorance as tools to determine the fairness of a certain social order.
Critical Theory:
Max Horkheimer and Theodor W. Adorno: These two philosophers are among the main figures associated with the Frankfurt School, which was pivotal in the development of critical theory. Horkheimer's work, "Traditional and Critical Theory" (1937), lays out the foundations of this school of thought.Jürgen Habermas: Also associated with the Frankfurt School, Habermas further developed critical theory, especially in his work "Theory of Communicative Action" (1981), where he focuses on communication and the public sphere as essential to a democratic society.
Participatory Democracy:
Jean-Jacques Rousseau: Often cited in discussions of participatory democracy, Rousseau’s ideas in "The Social Contract" (1762) emphasize direct participation of all citizens in the democratic process.Carol Pateman: Her book "Participation and Democratic Theory" (1970) examines the theory and practice of direct participation in democratic processes and is a key work in the field of participatory democracy.
I write as part of thinking, not to influence
1 年Thanks Ar Ryan Shifa Izzati