A Proposal for the Reunification of Cyprus

One of the most protracted disputes in the world today continues to simmer on the divided island of Cyprus. This essay is intended to lay out a possible compromise that would guarantee the rights of both Greek and Turkish Cypriots and create a viable national identity that they can share.

Background:

The division of Cyprus is perpetuated on two levels. The first is the personal level in which the pain of the war and subsequent displacement lives within the citizens of both the internationally recognized Republic of Cyprus as well as the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus, solely recognized by Turkey. The Greek majority's move to become part of Greece is what started the war, but it is Turkish troops and money that sustain the breakaway Republic. Therefore, there is legitimate distrust pointed at either side.

Further obstacles to peace exist at the regional level. Turkey and Greece continue to dispute their maritime boundaries, and Cyprus plays a large role in this conflict. Turkey is seeking international recognition of their claims in the Mediterranean Sea, and they have great interest in the natural gas resources recently discovered between the coasts of Cyprus and Israel. This leads the Republic of Cyprus to see their conflict as largely being between themselves and Turkey, itself, rather than Northern Cyprus.

Turkey has allowed the immigration of more ethnic Turks into Northern Cyprus as well, and now the government in Northern Cyprus has announced plans to reopen the city of Varosha which has many Greek-owned properties. There are other geopolitical moves which are influencing the situation in Cyprus, but it is sufficient to say that they do little for Cypriots of both communities except perpetuate distrust. This means that any solution will have two requirements: 1) to pose minimal threat to the current power dynamics of the wider Mediterranean community, and 2) focus the minds of Cypriots on their joint sovereignty and prosperity.

Turkish Perspective:

Let me first address the Turkish concerns. The Turkish citizenry has many doubts about the likelihood of an equitable reunification, and given the demographics - it's easy to see why. At the time of the Turkish invasion, Turkish Cypriots made up 18% of the population. They now make up closer to 25% due to the illegal (according to the UN) resettlement of Turkish immigrants. The 1974 coup followed inter-communal violence which had forced Turkish Cypriots into enclaves. It cannot be said that their anxiety about their place as a fundamental part of the nation is ill-founded.

The nation of Turkey has their own interests on the island. They will not accept any deal which makes President Erdogan appear weak because his political capital has begun to wane and is reliant on Turkish nationalism. There can be no prospect of Cyprus joining with Greece nor of Cyprus joining on their side in maritime disputes. This lends emphasis to the need for the new Cyprus to maintain a strictly independent foreign policy.

Greek Perspective:

When considering the Greek perspective, the main concern is the loss of heritage, and a sense that they are constantly threatened by Turkey. Previous failed attempts at reunification have hinged on the Greeks seeing the Turks as overrepresented. Whether or not this would have been the case or whether or not such concessions are necessary for success is actually irrelevant. An end to the division will be impossible if the Greeks enter into the deal with a chip on their shoulder. These conditions point to the need for the Greek side to have a proper place as a majority without feeling the need to assert majoritarian dominance out of fear.

Summary:

In truth, fear is what is blocking this solution. Turkish Cypriots fear being an oppressed minority, and Greek Cypriots fear being perpetually shamed in their own homeland. The tragedy of the situation is neither side can hope to dominate the other. This fact has led figures on the Turkish side to propose permanent division of the island; although some analysts claim this is merely a negotiating tactic. Either way, a new approach is required if there is to be any hope of ending a conflict which only benefits external forces and elites. I will now outline my proposal.

Proposed Solution:

Reuniting Cyprus will only be possible through the creation of a national identity which is unique to Cypriots, enjoyable by all Cypriots, and above either the Greek or Turkish ethnicities. A new political system must be created to sustain and embody this national identity, and it must do so in a way that promotes decentralization and a unique form of federalism which promotes a responsive government for its citizenry. In light of these requirements, the best solution is to institute a constitutional monarchy with a bicameral legislature and federalized powers.

The Principality of Cyprus:

The first step in this solution will be choosing a suitable candidate to serve as a monarch. Neither Greece nor Turkey has a monarchy, but the United Kingdom - the third signor of the Zurich and London Agreement - does have one; and a quite successful one at that. Prince Edward, Earl of Wessex, and the youngest son of Queen Elizabeth II and Prince Philip is an ideal candidate. He and his wife, Sophie, are well-liked and they have two children which would cement the line of succession. There is precedent for the adoption of a monarch through a referendum in the case of Norway and King Haakon VII.

Instituting an English prince as the Prince of Cyprus might appear strange at first, but it is actually crucial that there not be a language barrier between the two communities. Language barriers are present in almost all of the world's protracted divisions. Separatism in Canada's Quebec, the civil war in Cameroon, Russia's invasion of Ukraine, separatism in Spain's Catalonia, and many smaller tribal conflicts in Africa are all perpetuated or justified by language barriers. English is already spoken in Cyprus, and it is the international language of trade and diplomacy. Cyprus' tourism economy would also benefit from joining the greater Anglo-sphere.

An outside monarch also has the ability to lead the way into a new Cypriot reality in a way that an elected president would not be able to. No matter how good his intentions might be, a newly elected president's ethnicity would be one of the most important factors in whether or not a Cypriot would feel represented by him. It is essential that the politics of the new Cyprus do not hinge on ethnic concerns. This is so important that I believe it would be necessary to dissolve all current political parties upon adoption of the new constitution and make it illegal to campaign based on ethnic representation. A monarch would embody this new ethos. To promote ethnic considerations would be to undermine the authority of a monarch who is neither Turkish nor Greek. Because the monarch is the representative of the nation's sovereignty, undermining him would be to undermine the nation and therefore the crime of sedition.

The Prince of Cyprus would be able to establish new traditions, national symbols, and bring honor and national pride to all Cypriots. This is especially important given the religious divisions of the two communities. The British monarchy is Anglican. Should Prince Edward convert to Orthodoxy or Islam? No. Rather, he should represent the principle that a Cypriot's religion is his own private concern. No religious test may be applied to a public position. Let all Cypriots seek truth according to their conscience as guaranteed by their Prince.

This level of neutrality may appeal to the Turkish minority, but what of the right of the Greek majority to see themselves represented in their monarch? A certain poetic justice is found in the person of Prince Edward's father Prince Phillip. He was a Prince of the Greek royal house. Prince Edward carries on the bloodline of the now defunct Hellenic Kingdom. Yet, he carries the tradition of the British royal house which would guide a policy of non-partisan representation as the head of the country.

There are two things which the Prince should do upon his ascension. First, he should walk with his people from both communities as they return to their former homes and listen to their stories. He should walk the Turks back into Greek neighborhoods, and he should walk the Greeks back into Turkish neighborhoods so that they can all become Cypriot neighborhoods. Their should be a special court set up for arbitration of just compensation for lost property, and the Prince should sponsor the erection of new national monuments to reconciliation and peace. Merging the two communities together is essential to avoid geographical and political ghettos.

This brings up the second thing the Prince must do for Cyprus. He must disband the current political parties, and make a speech opening the new parliament. In this speech he should fulfill the tradition of requesting his people send him their chosen representatives to guide the governance of his domain. He should ask them to send him their conservatives, their liberals, their environmentalists, and their labour leaders. Let him hear the best advice they can give, and may all Cypriots prosper for it.

The Constitutional Framework:

Such lofty calls for civic participation can only be sustained by a strong constitutional framework for the new Cypriot government. Previous peace negotiations have focused on a federal solution between a Turkish and a Greek entity. These failed because the Greek majority felt underrepresented. More than this though, such a solution will only perpetuate ethnic division. The instinct for federalism is a good one, but its execution must be more decentralized. A Greek Cypriot would be unlikely to move into the Turkish half of the island, but a Greek Cypriot would be much more comfortable moving into a province which was majority Turkish. Localized power is more easily overturned and more responsive to its constituents.

The new Cypriot Parliament should be bicameral and based on a combination of the Westminster and American systems. The lower house should be comprised of representatives elected from constituencies of a certain population in a first-past-the-post system. As an example, the latest population estimates put the Cypriot population at nearly 1,200,000 people. This would give one representative to roughly every 10,000 people if the chamber were made up of 120 representatives. While much of Europe has avoided a first-past-the-post system, I believe it is the best solution for the lower house as it provides the clearest understanding to the voter as to where their vote went. More importantly, this system's tendency to limit the power of minority parties is essential to preventing ethnically interested political forces. First-past-the-post systems tend to generate big-tent parties which seek to represent wide swaths of the population which is necessary in this case.

The upper house should be comprised of deputies sent from the provinces of Cyprus elected on a proportional representation basis. For example, Cyprus could be divided into six provinces, each sending 20 deputies. Parties could be awarded one representative for every 5% of the vote they garnered out of the total in that province, and that would result in a total of 120 deputies in the upper house. In this way, the upper house would prevent parties from ignoring entire geographical areas of Cyprus. In order for this to be truly effective, the upper house must be granted the power to block bills which the lower house passes - at least for a certain period of time - as well as have a say in any constitutional changes.

Perhaps, this raises concerns about obstruction at the federal level. That is by design. If the policies of the country can change at the whim of the majority party in the lower house, then any minority in Cyprus will live in fear of the next election. The most relevant powers for citizens' daily lives should be devolved to the provincial level. Let the provinces decide education, health, welfare, and police policies. Let them elect a governor, and a legislative body which will consider their more localized concerns. Further devolved powers should be granted to counties and town councils. Defense, security, trade, and foreign policy should be retained at the federal level as they must be consistent across the nation. Yet, the most effective way to ease a population's concerns about what the government may do to them is to limit the power of said government.

Conclusion:

The formation of any constitution is going to be much more detailed than what has been laid out in this essay. Yet, it seems clear to me that a solution along these lines is the only way to ensure that both Greek and Turkish Cypriots can find a place in the new Cyprus. It is often said that compromise is when no one gets what they want, but if a united and peaceful Cyprus is what both communities want - then it is possible. But it is only possible if they can leave behind the divisions of yesterday in favor of a new and brighter future built on the foundation of sovereignty and independence from foreign interference. I see a constitutional monarch as the most effective embodiment of such sovereign independence.