Politics of the "New Cold War" Is Already in Africa

Germany’s ultimatum to Mali's military junta to do away with Russian security forces in the West African country is in no way an example of the usual cold bilateral relations that occasionally characterize inter-state relations. It is a consequence of a global clash that is reminiscent of Cold War politics that bedeviled Africa in the Second half of the 1900s. Germany is obviously supporting a Western ally, France, to protect its overseas interest. The “New Cold War” is here, and Africa is once again a proxy field.

Almost all Africa countries were ushered into independence when the Cold War was already happening. The iron curtain had divided Europe into two with each under the respective influences of the Union of the Soviet Socialist Republic, USSR and the United States and its chief allies. The ideological dichotomy that came naturally with this division would be extended to the rest of the world including newly independent states of Africa.

The Old Cold War

From the start, the West had an upper hand in Africa as it had dominated the continent with colonial control some of which were heavy-handed and uncompromising. For instance, it took much longer for Portugal to finally hand over its colonial possessions in Africa. In the 1950s and early 1960s, the USSR supported the independence of Africa states first as a matter of socialist principle, and then, as a result of the fact that it had no colonial possessions on the continent. Fortunately for Africa, the United States also supported the independence in principle.

While European powers were reluctantly granting independence to the new generation of African leaders, they were meticulous not to bequeath power to those allied with the East. In Kwame Nkrumah's autobiography, he had narrated how the colonial authorities were wary of his suspected links with Communists when he was going back home to the Gold Coast from Europe almost a decade before independence. Despite the unflinching effort by Europeans to hand over to capitalists or pro-West politicians, things did not always go according to plan.

In some places, the legacy of colonialism naturally created political environments that were inclined towards socialism and anti-European sentiments. For example, the heavy handedness of Belgian colonial administration in the Congo produced Patrice Lumumba, a socialist, as its independence Prime Minister. In Guinea, an unceremonious exit by the French subsequently pushed the country into the orbit of Socialism and anti-West disposition. The reluctance of Portugal to leave Africa further led to Leftists inspired resistance that gave rise to socialist political movements and parties that were allied with the Eastern ideology.

Amilcar Cabral emerged in Guinea Bissau and Cape Verde. In Southern Africa, Agostinho Neto was produced in Angola. The former had created an effective Maoist movement in West Africa that became a problem for Lisbon. In Angola, events will reach the point where Cuban forces with Soviet support will come face to face with Western backed South African forces.

The politics of many African states suffered immensely from Cold War politics. Democratic Republic of Congo, Ethiopia, Somalia, Mozambique, Angola, Ghana among others all felt the heat of the ideological struggle. It was after the collapse of the Soviet Union in the early 1990s that these clashes finally subsided. Its legacy however took time to come to a halt in some countries. Angola had its civil war ending only in the early 2000s when rebel leader Jonas Savimbi was killed in battle.

The unipolar order with the United States in charge after the Cold War therefore gave Africa some respite to concentrate on its domestic affairs. That, in itself did not make African countries anymore independent as Western influence became more pronounced and transactional. France held tight to the influence its exerted on its former colonies—and still does.

Emerging and Resuscitated Powers

In the mid 2000s, however, the unstoppable rise of China and the resuscitation of Russia, (the largest of the successor states of the USSR) stirred the interest of observers of global politics to predict another bipolar world of two major superpowers, or a multi-polar world of two or more great powers. China has particularly become outstandingly wealthy in a few decades and attained the enviable position of the second largest economy of the world. It has a manufacturing base that is sleepless, dynamic and attractive. Russia's resurgence has also been partly as a result of a strong hydrocarbons-backed economy and a robust arms industry.

Interestingly, Africa has not evaded the rise of China, the re-emergence of post-Cold War Russia, and the politics that has come with them. In fact, China has economically dominated many African countries. It has further created political and security alliances on the continent.?It established its first overseas base in the Horn of Africa country of Djibouti. In 2017, when there was a succession crisis in Zimbabwe, it had become obvious that China had interest in the leadership of the Southern Africa country. Beijing has heavily aided infrastructural development across the continent. It built the presidential palace and the Foreign Affairs Ministry office of Togo and Ghana respectively. At the continental level, the Asian country had sponsored the construction of the Africa Union headquarters in Adisa Ababa, Ethiopia—symbolic.

Russia has been busy with its own quest for Africa. After ignoring the continent for over a decade, the European power has extended its tentacles once again. Russia foreign policy makers have been attracted to the abundant resources and steady market in Africa. In recent times, Russian arms firms and mining companies have embarked on shuttle economic diplomacy to access opportunities African capitals can offer. They have gone beyond traditional customers like Algeria and to some extend Angola to explore more channels. To up the ante, there has been the presence of Russian forces on the continent recently as has been expressed from the beginning of this piece. This has been particularly the case in Central African Republic and then in Mali not long ago.

Reactions

Western states have not hidden their interests in Africa, and how they consider the increasing presence of China and in very recent times, Russia a threat to such interests. An interesting case is the situation in Mali. France has vehemently opposed the presence of Russian security elements in the country. The military junta has, however, welcomed the Russian presence in the country. It has subsequently ordered the ambassador of France to leave the country.

With growing anti-French sentiments in Mali and other West African states, the junta’s decision to confront Paris is popular with the masses. France on the other hand is not willing to give up its control of areas of the region under its influence. Germany’s action therefore seeks to support France against what it considers to be Russian incursion into European interest. As one of the important development partners to Mali, the ultimatum raises the stakes in the unfolding diplomatic and security tension.

What may make the West-East dichotomy potentially complicated is the possibility of China and Russia synchronising their policies on the continent and building a united front against those of the West. This may mean China providing the needed cash and other investments while Kremlin make available armaments and physical security presence in pursuit of common goals. Germany’s support to France may be used by the two powers to justify a complementary move of their own.

The Bottom Line

In all these, Africa is going to be the ultimate loser. The Cold War politics of the twentieth century did no good to the continent. The development courses of states were truncated by externally instigated coups and counter coups. In Ghana, the development conscious first president, Kwame Nkrumah was deposed in 1966 in a CIA backed coup. His deposition brought to a halt a comprehensive implementation of a seven-year development plan. What followed was a series of alternating military and civilian governments that plunged the country into economic abyss, especially in the 1970s. Similar things occurred in many other states on the continent. Patrice Lumumba’s assassination by Western agents and the subsequent installation of Mobutu Sese Seko as an absolute puppet did not help DR Congo neither.

From the experience of the past, Africa does not stand to gain anything positive from great power politics that is re-emerging on the continent. While the politics did not totally evaporate after the fall of the Berlin Wall, the second and third decades of the twenty-first century have seen new and powerful players on the global stage that are interested in Africa's resources, and willing and able to challenge traditional Neo-colonialists that already have foothold on the continent. Neither side will seek the interest of Africa better than Africans themselves.

By Fidel Amakye Owusu

Image (2) Dr. Kwame Nkrumah and John Kennedy. source: Flickr; (3) Malian citizens protesting against French influence and seemingly endorsing Russia. source BBC.