Political Puppet Show of Mr. Ranil Wickramasinghe

Political Puppet Show of Mr. Ranil Wickramasinghe

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Ranil’s Elite Feudal Political Academe at his Faculty of Global-Local Media Spectacle on the Bipolar Threshold of West and East.

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(A Perspective of Dialectic Enlightenment – Frankfurt School, the Culture Industry and Political Philosophy)

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This article examines the intersection of political leadership, propaganda, and the duty of democracy.

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The article is primarily crafted as a contextual response to the issue of unwarranted political interference by President Ranil Wickramasinghe, deliberately disrupting the academic freedom of a state university. This narrative unfolds during a period characterised by a political revolt challenging the established rule of liberal democracy in Sri Lanka. The storyline is intricately woven into the contemporary idiosyncrasies and arbitrariness of the state’s political taxation measures, ostensibly aimed at addressing the politically constructed economic turmoil in the country and exploring its implications on public interests and welfare.Top of Form

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In today’s discourse, the inquiry into the locus of Political Leadership becomes paramount. This exploration explores the dynamic interplay between Political propaganda, the moral imperatives of Liberal Democracy, and the ensuing clash of ideologies. Central to this discussion is scrutinising the recent global media portrayal of political figures and their intricate dance with the post-colonial political culture in Sri Lanka’s present political-economic topography.

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A critical lens is directed towards the unfolding events of the past week, analysing the global media’s depiction of political icons and discerning its resonance with the ongoing disentanglement of South Asian Sri Lanka. Particularly, the focus is on understanding how the recent wave of dissent signifies the pulse of people’s power.

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An intersectional theoretical framework is employed to navigate this exploration of Sri Lankan political leadership and its portrayal in both local and global media spectacles. Drawing inspiration from the nuanced perspectives of the Frankfurt School, including the Culture Industry and the Dialectic of Enlightenment, alongside insights from Political Philosophy, seeks to unravel the underlying dynamics.

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This theoretical foundation is a compass for examining how political leaders in Sri Lanka craft and perform their local narratives within the media’s gaze. The intersectionality of these narratives with the broader global media landscape is a key aspect under scrutiny. It’s a journey into understanding how the representation of political icons, both local and global, shapes and is shaped by the post-colonial political culture of South Asian Sri Lanka.

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As we embark on this intellectual expedition, the Frankfurt School’s theories act as beacons, shedding light on the intertwined relationships between media, culture, and political dimensions. The Culture Industry and the Dialectic of Enlightenment provide a lens through which we can decipher the complexities of contemporary political panoramas, both locally and globally.

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This exploration sets the stage for a nuanced analysis of the present political-economic disentanglement in South Asian Sri Lanka. It opens avenues to comprehend the intricate ways the revolt, as portrayed in global media, reflects the locus of people’s power. In this convergence of theory and real-world dynamics, we seek to unravel the threads that bind political leadership, media representation, and the cultural underpinnings of a post-colonial society in flux.

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In focusing on the objective of this discussion, attention is drawn to Mr Ranil Wickramasinghe’s recent conduct in the past week, both before local and global media screens. The aim is to scrutinise how he presents himself on a facade to conceal what is perceived as genuine political unscrupulousness. Therefore, this involves an analysis of his portrayal as strong and steadfast, perhaps masking a lack of responsiveness to the mounting public dissent against his perceived inhumane economic policies. These policies are seen as instrumental in navigating the recovery of substantial local loan debt, ostensibly to fulfil promises made to the IMF and World Bank. The contentious aspect is the implementation of taxation that surpasses humane limits, endangering the basic survival thresholds for a significant portion of the Sri Lankan population.

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Simultaneously, the discussion questions why Mr Wickramasinghe, as the head of the state, does not proactively address and take responsibility for initiating the required legal and institutional measures to recover state funds lost to financial malpractices committed by former political heads and other implicated parties. This aspect adds a layer of complexity to the discourse, shedding light on governance issues and a perceived lack of accountability in addressing alleged financial improprieties.

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This analysis seeks to unravel the disconnect between Mr. Wickramasinghe’s public image, policy decisions, and approach to handling financial misconduct accusations. The focus on the economic policies and the call for accountability forms a comprehensive examination of his leadership style and the challenges the Sri Lankan populace faces in the current political-economic landscape.

On the theoretical front within this discourse, the Frankfurt School emerges as a contemporary philosophical pathway, offering insights into the intricate interplay between modern media, communication, and cultural industries with the power dynamics inherent in contemporary politics. Conspicuously, key figures such as Theodor Adorno and Max Horkheimer, foundational philosophers of the Frankfurt School, contribute significantly to understanding how present-day societal constructs intersect with state-driven narratives in cultural, social, and political spheres.

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These philosophers examine the enthralling nature of modern social and cultural experiences, emphasising the influence of state-controlled media fabrications. The discourse highlights how individuals become captivated by these fabrications, often leading to a collective hallucination that perpetuates and supports dominant power structures. In particular, the narrative explores the role of these media-driven constructions in catering to the needs and aspirations of hegemonic political masculinities.

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The dialogue extends its reach, primarily from the 1960s onward in the post-modern age following the European Enlightenment. This period is marked by a scientific exploration encompassing logical positivism, Marxism, neomarxism, and the emergence of the new left. The intellectual currents driving this discourse find their roots in German and French philosophy, propelled by influential figures like Immanuel Kant and Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel and the more recent school of thought represented by Ludwig Wittgenstein.

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The Frankfurt School provides a theoretical framework that elucidates the complex relationship between media, cultural industries, and political power structures. Its exploration spans key philosophical developments, encapsulating diverse intellectual currents that have shaped contemporary thought since the mid-20th century.

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In the recent global media coverage, a notable narrative has emerged surrounding rumours of an escalating threat from Russia directed towards the UK, USA, and the broader Western political geography. This speculation gained traction following the visit of the UK Prime Minister to Ukraine in his role as a political ambassador, expressing support for Western political ideologies in response to what is perceived as a politically charged situation in the Eastern sphere dominated by Russia.

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The focal point of international media attention has been the controversial statement released by Russia, indicating its intention to engage in war against the UK, the USA, and the entire Western political scenery. This geopolitical development, particularly after Rishi Sunak’s visit to Ukraine, has significantly shaped the global media narrative. Interestingly, amidst this heightened political tension, the media spotlight has been occupied primarily by news constructions related to figures like Elon Musk and discussions on the transformative impact of Artificial Intelligence (AI) on the modern world.

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This juxtaposition raises questions about the priorities and focus of the global media setting. While geopolitical tensions intensify, the media’s attention appears to be diverted toward other narratives, potentially impacting the public’s perception and understanding of the prevailing global political dynamics. The construction of icons representing political hegemony, as evident in media spectacles and performances, creates a complex interplay that reverberates beyond the Western sphere.

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Crucially, this global media handling of political events has repercussions in the reactions and reforms observed in the global South, particularly in post-colonial political cultures. The lens through which these regions interpret and respond to the geopolitical scenery is influenced by the media’s portrayal of superior political hegemony. This dynamic interaction between media representation and political responses stresses the interconnectedness of global events and their impact on diverse political contexts.

In simpler terms, Mr Wickramasinghe remained silent for a week after declaring the deployment of a Sri Lankan Navy troop to support a UK-USA-led Red Sea attack against Houthi military groups. This action reignited the ongoing conflict between Palestine and Israel. While he typically engages in diplomatic efforts to balance relations between the West and East, his response to Russia’s strong statement regarding the war against the UK and USA was notably muted.

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During a foreign tour, Mr Wickramasinghe focused on economic boasting, emphasising how he manages Sri Lanka’s current financial crisis. Additionally, he visited the global South, such as Uganda, to show the top powers of the East that he was aligned with the Eastern power blocks rather than working with the Western allies. This strategic move preceded a potential political uprising from the public. His approach involved deflecting professional criticism, particularly regarding tax hikes and the brain drain affecting the university and medical sectors. Additionally, he instigated a conflict between professionals in health, academia, and other local sectors.

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Furthermore, Mr Wickramasinghe’s seemingly unnecessary participation in a party at the University of Kelaniya, celebrating the opening of a newly constructed building, is seen as a political manoeuvre. This act is perceived as an attempt to showcase his strength and resilience, even entering areas traditionally associated with opposing parties such as the NPP. Hence, this comes amid a growing public revolt against his perceived arbitrary economic taxation and significant price hikes in essential goods and services.

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While it is intriguing, another disturbing aspect emerges in the form of corruption within Sri Lankan institutions, specifically involving Buddhist monks. Like their politically influential counterparts, these monks misuse their revered robes to deceive and trick money and the public’s minds. Therefore, this parallels the historical exploitation of the local rural populace post-independence by dominant political figures who manipulate South Asian cultural and social values, as well as the faithfulness of the people. Like the corruption seen in political practices, many influential members of the Buddhist Sangha and monks exploit their noble roles to distort Buddha’s teachings for personal gain, leading luxurious lives driven by financial motives. The historical connection between the dominant Buddhist Sangha and the country’s political culture reveals that they actively shield and guide political corruption.

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As Theodore Adorno suggests, more human behaviours are constructed in terms of the modern-day media, newspaper, and radio; this argumentation can be extrapolated in today’s digital social media sites and how Mr Wickramsginghe wanted to make these more inactive through generating a new law and bill in the parliament to stop people’s shouts and outs against Mr. Wickremesinghe’s government. Primarily, this is especially critical when digital spaces have more spaces to make an unlimited political dialogue on the current political and economic arbitraries of President Ranil Wickramssinghe’s government; political leadership now have more chances to stop mouths of the people to silence revolts against Mr Wickramasinghe’s fascist political appliances.

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However, it is suggested that what Mr Ranil Wickramsinghe did to address Sri Lankan political and economic issues directly connects with his experienced approach to applying colonial political strategies to local matters. Thus, this is evident in how Ranil applied subjective approaches and sentiments based on the global Western and Eastern political divide scenario.

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In other words, during his past two years in his office, Mr. Wickramasinghe did not foster the development of any local production industries or generate inland revenues. This lack of action extends to cases involving the misappropriation of public funds by top-class former political heads, presidents, and other politicians. Additionally, he allowed top-class illegal and immoral entrepreneurs to evade significant taxation, leading to a loss of billions in inland revenue. These individuals have maintained connections with a black business agency and hold power, interconnecting with a black political mafia that has persisted since colonial rule over the last 75 years.

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Consequently, it implies that Mr Wickremesinghe is proficient only in increasing taxes for goods and services and initial public infrastructures to generate more revenue for the government. However, he fails to adhere to legal, constitutional, and ethical orders that require him to collect corrupted money from corrupt politicians and top-class illegal business figures. Furthermore, Mr Wickramsinghe does not heed the repeated stresses from the IMF and World Bank, urging the head of the state to take necessary action to collect money from individuals evading government taxes and those involved in embezzlement of public funds. This support has been provided for nearly 50 years to develop local social infrastructure and rural micro-economic development.

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In essence, Mr. Wickramsinghe, instead of recovering mismanaged public funds from the respective political and commercial elite, exacerbates the plight of the Sri Lankan poor. Therefore, this occurs as he is more inclined to support establishing illegal businesses and a mafia political culture from the top to the bottom of every social scale. Hence, this contradicts the principles articulated by Max Horkheimer and Theodore Adorno, who lucidly stipulated how modern media shapes human behaviour through the collaboration of dominant political classes that violate basic principles of moral and ethical practices, especially within the milieu of post-colonial South Asian societies adapting to Western-oriented neo-liberal and neo-political democracy.

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In conclusion, the above discussion asserts that Mr Wickramasinghe lacks a robust national policy for economic recovery by establishing local industries. Instead, he overtly supports the proliferation of illegal businesses and contributes to a political culture tainted by mafia corruption. This position contradicts the essence of liberal democracy, as it fails to provide moral and ethical guidelines that align with constitutional legal practices, as suggested by Charles Taylor in the discourses of modern-day political philosophy.

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Consequently, there are significant implications for how Mr Wickramsinghe governs Sri Lanka, as his approach relies on the threats and pressures of an experienced yet outdated colonial elite feudal political juxtaposition. The absence of cutting-edge avant-garde, sustainable, and generative economic and political policies is notable, hindering the productivity and development of national aims and objectives. Instead, political elite feudal politics persist in the misuse of power based on illiteracy and religio-national political marketing, focusing solely on maintaining their power and exhibiting petty political prowess.

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This reliance on idiosyncratic political arbitrariness perpetuates dissent and revolt, challenging the key principles of liberal democracy. Even in digital modern-day virtual political culture, there is a tendency to prioritise the comfort of the public and the preservation of power, potentially undermining the inspection of power and accountability in governance.

Image from ; https://www.shutterstock.com/.../puppets-dance-rajasthan

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