An Overview of the Value of Comparative History for the 21st. Century

No part of this essay may be reproduced or reprinted in any online or print resource. 

Copyright Michelle Susan Varteresian, 2020

THE VALUE OF COMPARATIVE HISTORY: A BRIEF SURVEY

During these fraught and uncertain times in American history, I am taking an opportunity to reconnect with that aspect of my identity as a Historian. Inasmuch as I owe my professional success in a variety of endeavors to my training as an Historian, I am reflecting on this point in our development as a nation, and cannot help but think back to an earlier time in American and world history where upheaval serves as a preface to the events of today. Indeed, the intellectual vocation of history, both as a scholarly discipline in it own right, as well as a social science, provides antecedents and parallels in human reactions to crisis points in a nation’s evolution, particularly in the form of representative government. As I revisit some of the works in my vast historical library, I renewed my historical journey with the survey work World War I: A Short History by Michael J. Lyons. As I read through the opening chapters, I realized that many of the precipitating events and cultural hallmarks of that era find their cousins in the present-day.  In particular, the references Lyons makes to the crisis and decline in liberal forms of government in the period immediately before the First World War are striking in their similarities to the crises of government facing the United States in 2020. What follows, then, are a series of observations and parallels between this year of 2020 and the period immediately preceding the First World War. Likewise in 21st century America, scholars and others are re-examining the rise of totalitarian nations in the early 20th century as a lens through which to view the divisive and destructive rhetoric and danger to our democratic institutions that has characterized 2020. A closer examination of this fact reveals that indeed there are parallels between nationalism and politics in pre-1914 Europe and politics and nationalism in modern-day America. While this essay endeavors to examine this contention in a brief, survey format, some may argue that there cannot be a comparison between an early 20th century international political system and a single nation. However, I make a case that as a multi-ethnic, demographically evolving entity, one can see the United States, in some sense, as a microcosm of an internationalist model encapsulating the variety of socio-economic and political beliefs, and that if one looks closely enough, can see similarities between the factors that led to unrest in the Old World Order of the early 20th century, and the turbulence the United States has been experiencing this century. Granted, this is not an apples-to-apples comparison, but if one examines the social and political factors that led to instability in the period immediately preceding the First World War, certain parallels cannot be easily dismissed. 

While this topic deserves a much more detailed analysis, I am posting this article now because we as a nation have to acknowledge that the events of the past can come full circle, and, if underlying structural issues related to social injustice and structural inequities are not addressed, will come back in times of national stress. Indeed this overview is meant to stimulate intellectual debate and discussion, a much welcomed and needed aspect to revitalize our democratic republic and bring back the intellectual discourse that has been sorely missing over these last few years.

When the Coronavirus pandemic “arrived” here in the United States in January 2020 (and perhaps even earlier), policy makers and historians immediately began looking back with renewed vigor at the Influenza pandemic of 1918, and the comparative responses of the federal government. Striking similarities were observed, one being the role of the chief executive in marshaling a response, or lack of a proper response.   The President, Woodrow Wilson and Donald Trump, respectively, have been criticized for not being forthright and crafting a policy meant to educate and protect the public. Times of national stress such as this can bring about and exacerbate other societal ills and government weaknesses that are simmering under the surface. Although the specific catalysts may differ according to the specific events of the era, human responses to upheaval are similar. To wit, the political tribalism that exists in 2020 America, can be argued to be partially rooted in a misplaced nationalist sentiment, partially fueled by socio-economic and political inequities and a rivalry firmly seated in a demonization and mistrust of the “other”. Like the present-day, doubt has been sown, in some quarters, as to the efficacy and strength of American democracy. In the case of pre-1914 Europe, economic hardship, and displacement caused by Industrialization, fostered the growth of rival “radical” ideologies, whether they were left-winged, right-winged, or monarchical. Today, this displacement is due to the impact of the Coronavirus, and the resulting job loss, food and housing insecurity, as well health inequities in native and communities of color. Taken together, these elements conspire to foster a mistrust and unease in small “d” democratic government. Structural inequities have been exposed, contributing to this unease and competition between the working, middle, and upper classes. The net result of this mistrust is to call into question the efficacy of American institutions that has as its antecedent elements akin to those in the early 20th century international order. Like the present-day, nations suffered a decline in the trust of small “l” liberal forms of government and a mistrust and suspicion between the classes, and the role of democratic institutions have been questioned. In each era, the governmental authority sees as its first imperative, its own survival, taking only those actions necessary to salve the national wound, not address underlying inequities and issues.

Although the international stage of the immediate pre-World War I era is different from that of today, many of the factors that plagued this pre-21st century world are prevalent not only in the world today, but in the United States specifically. During the period immediately before the First World War, there were also rivalries between societal factions during the extended period of alliance-building, creating rival constituencies and balances of power, which among other things, was concerned with dividing the spoils of empires like that of the constituent ethnicities of the Balkan states.  These constituent ethnicities expressed a nationalist sentiment and a desire for independence that were a prelude to war. Similarly, in the United States, especially in the super-charged socio-political environment of 2020, economic and political entities vie for societal resources and recognition, each side claiming a moral authority in so doing.  

 Like pre-1914 world politics, in 21st century America, there is a growing nationalist sentiment and a desire for recognition of competing groups and interests. During the period before the First World War, it was the various Slavic peoples of the Austro-Hungarian Empire. Indeed, The First World War was precipitated by a nationalist act, the assassination of the Austrian Archduke Franz Ferdinand and his wife Sophie. Today, a similar parallel exists in competition for recognition and more than justifiable redress of grievances in the realm of race relations in the United States.  However, more than addressing immediate injustice is the need to fundamentally re-tool the system and address structural inequities and obliterate systemic racism. In a similar paradigm to early 20th century Europe where certain ethnicities were in a constant struggle to attain equal, independent status, certain groups today in the United States are viewed with suspicion, and it is communities of color, indigenous peoples, and the poor who are repeatedly victimized and scapegoated. Like the early 20th century, different groups, whether they identify by racial, ethnic, or political lines, seek recognition and redress for their grievances.  Once again with the responses of governmental authority called into question, we are facing an imperilment of liberal, democratic forms of government and the widening wealth gap, similar to the pattern that led to the powder keg that was pre-1914 Europe.

Given this variety of factors and displeased denizens and political leaders who wish to maintain their power in often illegitimate ways, nationalist and authoritarian impulses have not only found some voices here in the United States, but other countries like Hungary, Brazil, and Russia to name a few notable examples. The combination of displeased constituencies and leaders displaying authoritarian tendencies has led in the United States to an eruption of protest and in some quarters, violence, finding its parallel in pre-World War I Europe. They expose flaws in a governmental system that have long been a part of our society, but those which, as a nation, all too many like to pretend do not exist.

This is a topic worth exploring, as it has a special currency today. This also provides a demonstrable, and useful example of how history influences and provides a paradigm through which to understand the cyclical nature and repetitive patterns of human behavior. It also proves the value of studying history as a social science. The study of history is more than just an assemblage of facts. It is a study of philosophy and schools of thought related to events and how those events shape national and international discourse and actions that affect the policies of a society. It is past time for viewing history as an inconvenient and unnecessary subject for those who do not wish to confront the uncomfortable facts of inequality and drift toward authoritarianism that this nation has been dealing with. It is time for the study of history to take front and center in our national discourse, whether it is in politics, social and economic justice, and/or issues of morality.