Opinion: American Midterm Elections - Democracy Won, but “Denialism” Was Not Vanquished

#democracy #elections #midterms2022

The main lesson from the November 8 midterms is that Americans saw democracy on the ballot and voted resoundingly for it. This was evidenced by high voter turnout and smooth election administration despite a two-year “stop the steal” campaign that claimed the 2020 presidential election was a fraud and generally attacked electoral credibility. The “election denial” strategy of the extremist MAGA movement was dealt a forceful blow. Though the movement was wounded, it remains very much alive and dangerous.

In every battleground vote MAGA election credibility deniers lost their bids to become secretaries of state, making clear that those voters in those states do not want them to be in charge of future elections. Among the 22 election denier candidates for governor 13 lost, including in most of the battleground states. Deniers lost state attorneys general races in Arizona, Michigan and Nevada, though the margin in Arizona was razor thin. Plus, several key 2020 election deniers conceded their defeats in another good sign for democracy.

The elections were a win against the extremist MAGA movement but not a total victory. Plus, the 2022 vote is one battle in an ongoing struggle with extreme anti-democratic MAGAism. Election credibility deniers won governorships in eight states, and Alaska is still processing votes. They captured four secretary of state positions and attorney general spots in six of the 10 states where deniers were candidates.?

Party control of the US Senate did not change in the midterm elections, but 10 deniers won Senate seats, and Georgia faces a runoff. That will make at least 17 Senators who reject or question the 2020 presidential election. The House majority flipped narrowly, and it will include approximately 180 such Members, with 100% in five state delegations and a majority in 17 delegations, according to a New York Times analysis . In down ballot state elections, MAGA identifiers won seats in all states and did well in many, as they did in the US House of Representatives.?

The MAGA movement certainly lost its projected sense of invincibility. Hopefully, the public will grasp that. A number of traditional Republican political leaders have spoken out against election denialism as the cause of its losses and accuse it of dragging down votes for other candidates. Some blame Donald Trump’s backing of extremist candidates as problematic, a charge he vehemently rejects.?

As recriminations fly, Mr. Trump announced his 2024 presidential bid in part as a means to regroup the MAGA movement. His announcement included calling for an end to early and mail balloting, with voting only on election day with paper ballots. It appears that election denialism really means denying elections to those who oppose him and the MAGA agenda.

Many will undoubtedly rally to Mr. Trump’s flag. Others will speculate that a different standard bearer will better advance the MAGA cause. When their shock about the 2022 vote wears off, the extremist MAGA movement will realize that it still controls a major political party, is more ingrained in governance institutions than before, and has more experience in election campaigns. Whether and how those formidable assets can be mobilized for future elections remains to be seen and should not be dismissed.

?The MAGA movement is about more than election denialism, which at least in battleground states failed as an electoral strategy. Its mix of postures including economic grievance, anti-elitism, misogyny, white-supremacy, xenophobia, homo- and transphobia will continue to motivate many. That includes those who support strong-man autocratic rule over democratic universal and equal suffrage and - as January 6 showed us - those who would seek to seize or hold on to power despite elections. That is another meaning of election denial.

Democracy therefore will remain on the ballot for the foreseeable future. That will be about more than securing credible elections as crucial as they will always remain. People want democracy to improve their lives and empower them as citizens.?

The votes for women’s reproductive freedom in the five state referendums illustrated that point. Defending abortion rights ranked first or otherwise high in exit polls across the country, including in close defeats of MAGA election deniers. Looking ahead, pro-democracy campaigners should heed that lesson and advance policies clearly linked to improving lives and empowering citizenship. Specific measures to safeguard full enfranchisement, address economic inequities and redress discriminatory injustices get traction and are what democracy is about.

?Such linkages can build broader support for crucial reforms, including bolstering the Voting Rights Act and its enforcement, removing partisanship from electoral administration and the drawing of election districts, curtailing abuses in political financing, protecting cybersecurity in elections, and defending information integrity against floods of disinformation.?

The ability to accomplish such things depends on building relationships with voters well beyond election days, listening to their concerns and converting that into life improvements, and developing civil dialogues that build bridges across divides to incrementally reduce polarization. Such efforts are underway and require energetic support.?

Meanwhile, recognizing that there are substantial threats to our democracy should be a motivator. We have not fallen into an abyss, but we remain at the precipice. If we don’t work hard for democracy we may face an agonizing fight to get it back.

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Patrick Merloe is a member of the Election Reformers Network’s Advisory Council and the Kofi Annan Foundation’s Election Integrity Initiative. He was a principal drafter of the 2005 Declaration of Principles for International Election Observation, which is endorsed by more than 50 intergovernmental and international organizations. He has authored several publications on elections and human rights, taught courses at three US law schools, and for 28 years led the global electoral programs of NDI, a major international nonprofit, nonpartisan organization. That took him to more than 60 countries, some of which slid away from democracy.