Online Activism and Social Movements in Romania in relation to the "Save, Rosia Montana” campaign

Social movements are recognisable features of the socio-political scene however they can be difficult to define. Extensively, social movements are made out of a multitude of collective actions over a sustained timeframe in order to accomplish a mutual cause. They emerge when enough individuals feel prohibited or alienated from the society, or build up a profound distrust of how political institutions oversee society. They are grounded on social, political, economic or cultural matters locally, nationally or transnationally, occurring in both democratic and oppressive states. In the present era of globalisation, information and communication technologies, for instance, the Internet, Social media and smartphones have created a new dimension for collective action (Zald, 2017:7-9).

Social media further creates a collective identity which can enhance the protest, through cultivating interpersonal relationships with individuals from other social networks, friends and family. The collective identities perform as motivators which propel the participation in the protests, providing the participants a highlighted feeling of ‘us’ against ‘them’, as well as a sense of belonging (Walgrave et al., 2013). As observed in the well acquainted cases of the Arab Spring or the Ukrainian Euromaidan, there have been Social media revolutions which illustrated the potential and amplification of using online networks to establish a conscious and voluntary attitude (Gerbaudo, 2018).

This essay will first critically asses the ways in which social movements take place, focusing on the emerging technologies, such as the Internet and online networks. It then continues to closely examine the Rosia Montana cyanide mining project, analysing its effect on the ecology and the population of the country, focusing on the power of online networks in creating a strong and unified common voice, which have changed the lack of participation in the Romanian society. I will further illustrate the ways in which the project was depicted on traditional media and the ways in which the citizens, NGOs and independent journalists fought against a biased coverage of the media. I will conclude with my own experiences of being an activist of the cause as well as stating the importance of these protests in order to further develop a national identity which has been forgotten and fight against an on-going corrupt country.

A former communist country, located at the intersection of Central and South-Eastern Europe, Romania has been known, after the Revolution in 1989, as a nation where protests never occur, because of the deficient civil demonstrations and social apathy (Gubernat & Rammelt, 2017). Due to the sparse social cohesion and solidarity between the protesting groups, albeit organised at a national level, civil society and union’s protests did not generated a political or social transformation, this representing a precedent in the protest movement in the nation (Kideckel, 1996:60-6). Nevertheless, since abolishing the Communist regime and until 2002, Romania saw a generally solid mobilisation by labour unions and more industrial struggle than other nations in the region. In the period of  2002-2011, these and different mobilisations occurred, however they were for the most part sporadic, restricted in scale and lacking sustainability, due to the fact that they were extremely restricted in their claims, concentrating only on the demands of their particular electorates (Varga & Freyberg-Inan, 2015:80-5).

Notwithstanding, during the 2012 protests and civil manifestations generated by the commencement of a new health reform legislation, the numerous years of lack of involvement in Romania, seemed to have ended, due to the large cluster of issues, resulting in the resignation of the Prime Minister, Emil Boc (Abraham, 2016). There has been a visible shift in the protesters age range, as since 2012, aside from the union activity in the 1900s, the previous lack of involvement from civic involvement of individuals aged between 25 and 40 has been diminished, setting up a new public sphere populated by a new group of protesters, highly contributing to the civil movements (Gubernat & Rammelt, 2017). When it comes to environmental issues, after the fall of Communism in 1989, they had a minor role in the public agenda, followed by a harsh portrayal of ecologists as the new antagonists of advancement, alongside communists or nationalists (Petrova & Tarrow, 2007:20-1).

The “Save Rosia Montana” is a symbolic socio-ecological campaign which has marked the post-communist Romania, a particular case as it has evolved into a both national and international controversy, followed by a vivid media scope and a distinctive public debate. From its initial commencement in 1997, the project has been condemned by NGOs and several environmentalists due to the negative effect on the environment, historical places and the community in the area. However, the culminating points are the 2013 protests against the cyanide exploitation in Rosia Montana, which are acknowledged to be the largest civic demonstration after the fall of the communist regime in 1989 (Velicu, 2012). Following the same pattern of protests in Romania, asking for the resignation of the Prime Minister and the government, for over 12 weeks, protestors both in the country and abroad have fought against the government’s legislative proposal which would have enable the cyanide exploitation. It could be argued that the protest, which started as an environmental opposition, having less than a few hundred individuals, has led to an international protest against the highly questionable means of signing the contract and corruption (Balaci, 2003).

Mining in the Rosia Montana area

Rosia Montana, in Latin known as Alburnus Maior is located in Western Transylvania, in the Western Carpathians, in the Apuseni Mountains, in the centre of a geological zone which has been renewed for its gold deposits, being exploited for more than two thousand years. The exploitation of gold is not a current situation, as the primordial mining pits have been recorded from the Roman occupation of Dacia amid 106-275 AD, considered to be been one of the richest locations on the continent. Thus it offers the site a cultural and archaeological significance (Duma, 2009:40-5). During the Communist period, the area has been highly exploited, destroying roman vestiges and a large fortress, as well as the geography of the settlement .Leaving an ecological disaster, Minvest, a state mining company has been established, functioning in the location until now, in spite of the insurances and responsible mining standards given. It can be stated that in our current times, the situation is similar to the one during the Communist period, as the same threat on the heritage and the ecological disaster still exists, facing a continuous disinterest from many of the Ministry of Culture officials, as well as Romanian archaeologists (Piso, 2013).

There are several cases around the world of mining companies disputing with communities over their future mining activities. For instance, the uranium exploitation in Jabiluka, with Rio Tinto against the Mirrar population (Banerjee, 2000), Barick Gold against the Ancash communities and nevertheless the disputable mining exploitation from Pascua Lama-Veladero at the Argentinian-Chilean border (Padilla, 2005). What makes all these cases similar, as well as in the case of the Rosia Montana project is the fact that communities are challenging the long haul impact on the environment and the local communities as a whole, as well as the legitimacy of the contracts. Governments cannot provide proper governance without accountability, as highlighted by Grey and Milne (Gray & Milne, 2004:73-4): “Society has the right to know about the extent to which its principles and tenets are being complied with and how its environmental resources are being looked after.”

The commencement of the Rosia Montana mining project was covered in opacity, as there is no record of unprejudiced auction process for allowing operating licences in the course of 14 years. Since the exploitation licence was granted in 1999 to Minvest S.A Deva and was additionally transferred one year later to the recently created S.C Rosia Montana Gold Corporation S.A with no public access to data in regards to the presence of a licence auction (Beyerle & Olteanu, 2016). The main stakeholders of the company are as follows: 19.31% the state owned mining company, Minvest S.A Deva and with 80.69% Gabriel Resources Ltd based in Canada. However, as it hasn’t complied with the Romanian legislation on environment issues, the company hasn’t acquired the necessary permits for exploitation. Thus, an aggregate surface of 24,998 ha would have been used for an open cast mine, incorporating four open pits (Gabriel Resources, 2015). Rosia Montana would have been the largest mining zone in Europe, using 13 time greater amount of sodium cyanide, as well as being under the EU cyanide strict regulation, extracting over 300 tonnes of gold and 1,600 tonnes of silver over a period of 17 years. This not only implies a high level of toxicity in the area, but will result in the displacement of four inhabited mountains, three villages, cemeteries, ancient Roman heritage artefacts and sites, historic churches, sustenance farming and the formation of a massive cyanide lake. Due to the resistance of the majority of the local people and environmental activists, the Save Rosia Montana campaign has come alive, fighting for the chance to preserve the area and implicit, their homes (Jennings, 2013).

Online activism

As stated previously, the culture of protesting in Romania is lacking initiative, yet with the support of the Internet and online networks, in general, there has been an emergence in the civic engagement, as the social media platforms are pursuing the role of political organisations (Segerberg & Bennett, 2011:200-6), where the individuals can share their own personal thoughts. Due to the fact that the demonstrations were organised horizontally both online and offline, they have developed a hybrid behaviour which featured the viral power of the Internet and the street manifestations (Momoc, 2014:144-6). Although powerful, the protests organised by the activists of the “Save Rosia Montana” campaign in 2011 did reach the traditional media, yet, it has become viral on the Internet, through massive sharing on the social networks and blogs, expressing their lack of confidence in television and press information, governed by corrupt politicians (Go?iu, 2013:443-6).

This movement evolved in a dynamic online presence, which morphed a multitude of facets of issues under a common voice. Hundreds of individuals from all different social and cultural backgrounds have been mobilised through Facebook pages, which promoted street demonstrations, provided updates, online petitions, informational brochures, cultural events and nevertheless through creating hash tags, encouraging citizens to share pictures and videos from the manifestations on social media. This diffuse network of activism has been dispersed through the Internet, aiming to mobilise a large number of members of the society, driven by a high social heterogeneity. This not only that shows a great escalation in the interest regarding political issues, but it has resulted in individuals asking for their democratic right of decision-making, as well as offering gratification and attractiveness due to the easy access to online networks (Ahmed, 2016:98-102). It has developed a sense of collective identity amplified by political convictions and ideology, the term “Rosia Montana” becoming the most striking issue on online networking sites (Branea, 2013). Thus, in order to push further the online activism, a key hash tag has been created: #Unitisalvam, which has risen after the protests, taken after the principal slogan of the protest: “Uniti, salvam Rosia Montana” (“United, we’ll save Rosia Montana”). Social media, not only that became an efficient tool to obtain information, but it has created a strong collective identity, as every status update, picture or video was followed by the hash tag (Mercea, 2014).

It could be stated that the fight against corruption was following a “David versus Goliath” metaphor due to the fact that the campaign was visible in the virtual space, yet absent in traditional media, where the opponent, The Rosia Montana Gold Corporation (RMGC) dominated. Our current technological developments have coincided with a new and upgraded way to protest, through the use of technology and the rapid means of recording the protests in real time- smartphones, enabling one of the most crucial aspects of the protests, its non-hierarchical, egalitarian and spontaneous structure, enhancing the public opinion as there were no official leaders (Bennett, 2012). Thus, social media strengthened the voice of local NGOs, independent journalists and nevertheless citizens, illustrating how powerful a unified voice can be.

Social Movements against the mining

Participation is an essential component of good governance, which requires accurate and adequate information for the citizens, businesses, NGOs and any other individual outside the government, as to contribute to and review on prospective guidelines or contracts  (Weiss, 2000). As discussed above, the element of transparency has been reliably overlooked, leaving civil society with inadequate amount of information from the earliest starting point. Notwithstanding, an unparalleled response has been generated, as it has not hindered civil society, both citizens and NGOs have fought for their entitlement to participate, fundamental to the ideology of democracy. There have been taken legal actions by a few opposing NGOs, scrutinising various ecological and archaeological permissions granted by officials, as well as a campaign which aimed to bring issues to light and encourage a civic participation both in Rosia Montana and all through the country (Beciu, 2011). Additionally, the civic participation has been created through open debates, creative initiatives, such as festivals, concerts, art exhibitions and craftsmanship, enhanced by investigations conducted by research institutes, universities, activists, artists and nevertheless journalists (Bran, 2012).

It could be argued that the foundation of the campaign was created by a group of villagers from Rosia Montana and Bucium, another village which was as well, slated for eradication. It was only in July 2002, when the Alburnus Maior Association, a community based organisation, titled after the Latin name of Rosia Montana, has launched a campaign called “Save Rosia Montana” where the villagers, supported by environmental NGOs took a stand ceasing the cyanide exploitation, as well as the constrained displacement of the locals (Salvati Rosia Montana, 2018). The initiative have soon gained support beyond the region, from religious institutions, such as the Orthodox Church, which had a high interest in preserving the historical churches and the cemeteries, but as well as scientific communities, such as the Universities in Cluj and Bucharest to Bucharest’s Academy for Economic Studies and the Romanian Academy. It has begun to inform the public with the support of the newly mobilised ecological organisations in both Romania and Europe, has successfully internationalised the issue and commenced in protracted sequences of appeals in courts, yet the project was interrupted in its primary form (Gotiu 2013:360-364).

In order to obtain an answer from the government, a series of NGOs have submitted letters and reports, demanding for more information and a relevant support of the claims regarding the economic, sustainable and social development of the project. Due to the fact that the government hasn’t been able to provide the information, tens of thousands of citizens all throughout the country have organised weekly protests and marched against the Rosia Montana Gold Corporation (RMGC) and the government itself, for its poor performance (McGrath, 2014). Not exclusively did the government disregard the public opinion, but in numerous cases, politicians, such as the previous president, Ion Iliescu, have endeavoured to subdue the mobilisation against the mining project, as well as disrespecting the participants, calling them “poets afraid of industrialisation” and “jobless hipsters” (Lumezeanu, 2013). Additionally, the government has urgently formed a commission, made out of politicians in favour of the mining project in order to obtain the final approval of the project, defying any democratic participation of the public. The well-being and a sustainable development of the country were diminished, because, along with the lack of transparency, there was an inexistent principle of participation, which could have resulted in an improvement of the quality of decisions (Popescu, 2017:150-5).

Through the usage of online networks, the members of local online communities have organised a series of protests and peaceful marches against the mining project on the 1st of September, locally and nationally in cities such as Cluj, Timisoara, Bucharest and Iasi, toughened by the 2012 austerity protest (Craciun, 2015). Inspired by the Occupy and Indignados movements, citizens from all social layers, particularly NGOs, young professionals, teachers, students, artists, activists, and nevertheless unemployed and retired individuals have united to fight the mining project and corruption. The unification of these citizens was not amplified by a common ideology, but rather by resentment against the corrupt government and politicians, both in power and those in opposition, for their lack of interest in preserving the national interest (Ciobanu, 2013). Thus, individuals ranging from those concerned about the preservation of the ecological aspect, the historical and cultural heritage to progressive and anti-capitalists came together and occupied central squares. For example, in Bucharest, protesters met every evening at the University Square, followed by marches on every Sunday (Craciun, 2015). The core pleads, following a pattern, demanded for the resignation of the government, led by the Prime Minister Victor Ponta for the inability to reject the RMGC bill, along with the Ministers of the Environment and Culture; appeal for Rosia Montana to become an UNESCO World Heritage site, as well as banning the cyanide and shale gas extraction (Margarit, 2016).

The largest number of protestors was recorded on the 15th of September 2013, at the University Square in Bucharest, having more than 25.000 individuals protesting against the cyanide mining and the draft mining bill advanced by the Prime Minister on 27th August (Muresan, 2013). The occupation of the University Square in Bucharest has another meaning for Romanians, as it represents the beginning of democracy, after the Communist Revolution in 1989. The protests were extremely organised, having people giving detailed information via loudspeakers as well as creating a collective frame, through the use of slogans, such as the key ones: “Uniti, salvam Rosia Montana” (“United, we save Rosia Montana”) and “Revolutia incepe cu Rosia Montana” (“The revolution begins with Rosia Montana.”). All the supervised by the riot police marches and protests were enhanced by creative ways to protest, such as creative posters, face painting ,printed messages t-shirts, plastic bottles filled with pebbles, playing musical instruments and blowing horns, while crying “United, we save Rosia Montana” (Jarosz, 2015).

With the exception of a few incidents, such as the one in which Daniel Barbu, the Minister of Culture was attacked with tomatoes, who regarded the attackers as neo-fascists, the protests and marches were peaceful (Tudor, 2013). Other circumstances included blocking major arteries of circulation in several cities, such as Bucharest, Timisoara, Cluj and Iasi, as well as an attempt to enter the government headquarters (Pop & Turk, 2014). Nevertheless, the protests went beyond the borders, being held in different parts of Europe and the world, such as the UK, where approximately 150-200 Romanian activists have protested in London, through flash mobs and marches in front of the Romanian Embassy.  Oana Mondoc, a Romanian London-based activist has stated:

"It is the symbolic fight of our generation. It's one of the biggest things happening at home and we found out about it through Facebook and Twitter. Romanians are not known to protest and to question, so the turnout back home was huge” (Wong, 2013).

Role of the media

Rosia Montana Gold Corporation (RMGC), beginning with the year 2000, has largely invested in advertising and below-the-line activities, as by 2010 it was considered to be the most noteworthy case of economic pressure when analysing a company. In terms of importance in the advertising market, by 2011, RMGC occupied the 8th position, after leaders in industries, such as Pharma and Telecom, declaring to have spent approximately 8 million euros in Romania, in the first months of 2011 (Ganea et al., 2011).  According to Forbes, RMGC paid over 2,7 million euros in advertising only for the print media, this being the largest sum ever invested by RMGC in advertising, nevertheless, both television and radio were not neglect (Barbu, 2013). The company stated that this was part of its efforts to improve its communication with the public by emphasising the advantages of the mining project. The increase in spending coincided with a statement of support made by the then-president, Traian Basescu, who mentioned he had been a supporter of the project, for a long period of time, as he considered the exploitation to be a necessity for the increase of the state’s economy (Etves, 2011). RMGC’s total advertising budget is unknown to this day and it is hard to approximate. According to media estimates, there have been approximately 12 million euros invested in advertising during the 2007 to 2010 period, massively investing until 2014, having a decreased budged year by year (Cotidianul.ro, 2010).

 RMGC’s advertising campaigns included of a series of advertisements and video spots promoting the project, where they were highlighting the positive aspect of the exploitation, focusing on the number of new jobs and opportunities, the overall profit of the Romanian economy, as well as the direct sums invested by the company in Rosia Montana. These campaigns were aiming to manipulate citizens, with emotional stories about the villagers, thus, creating the slogan: “People in Rosia Montana only want to work”. Individuals have reacted to the advertising campaign, filling out complains to the CNA (the National Audio visual Council), regarding the deceptive and manipulative content of the advertisements. Although receiving more than 2000 complaints, RMGC has been given prime advertising space, positive coverage and a total silence of the opposition. It was only in 2013, when the council has banned some of the advertisements, on the premise that they were against the Romanian legislation on stimulating a healthy environment, as cyanide is harmful (Pavel, 2014:196-200).

Produced annually by ActiveWatch, the “Freedom of Expression in Romania” report from 2011 has analysed the media coverage of the Rosia Montana project, finding that ‘Evenimentul Zilei’, which is the recipient of the largest advertising sum, has published 23 beneficially articles, two neutrals and none defamer. In the same manner, ‘Jurnalul National’ published 13 beneficially articles, having two neutrals and none defamer. On the other hand, ‘Romania Libera’ has erased two articles which have been detrimental to RMGC, as one of them was reporting on Romanian MPs who would support the legislation banning the cyanide-based exploitation, while the other one reported on one of the protests organised against the project. Furthermore, there has been an observed partial reporting, only focusing on the favourable aspect, interviewing individuals promoting RMGC, as well as deleting online articles which were regarded as damaging (FreeEx Report, 2011).

The situation with broadcasters was similar in this regard. Undertaken by the CNA, the monitoring activity has analysed 13 TV stations during the 1st of September to 15th October period, finding that all the stations aired RMGC advertisements. B1TV, a broadcaster which had close links with the President Traian Basescu, aired the advertisements 135 times, while the lowest number was recorded on Pro TV, 13 times only. Even folk orientated music channels, such as Taraf TV and EtnoTv have aired the videos 47 and subsequently 45 times. Notwithstanding, during the analysed period, TV channels have broadcasted programmes and live debates sponsored by RMGC, where the highest average time dedicated to promoting the cyanide exploitation was 113.64 minutes by Antena 3 and the lowest was recorded on Digi 24 with 30.64 minutes. The RMGC’s domination of TV channels’ editorial agenda is clear to understand, as the monitoring period corresponded with the largest recorded street protest, both nationally and internationally (Adavani, 2016).

The first week of the protests, was broadcasted by a few channels, albeit the large number of protesters, having a brief coverage from the Romanian state television, TVR, although the visibility of the protesters, blocking vital traffic arteries for hours in Bucharest. It was only when the protest became viral on online networks that the broadcasters started to cover the protests in a critical and immoral manner. The protestors were depicted as ‘neo-fascists’, ‘eco-anarchists’ and ‘bored hipsters’ (Derla, 2013), culminating with the remark of Mihai Gadea, the host of Antena 3’s most popular TV talk show, who labelled the protesters as ‘Basescu’s slaves’, under the influence of alcohol and drugs. Thus, not only that the accusations were insulting, but antithetical, as Traian Basescu was a declared supporter of the RMGC project (Neagu, 2013). In order to discredit the protests, the numbers of the protesters was systematically reduced, lowered to hundreds, although official estimations registered thousands. They have intentionally captured unconventional looking protesters, who were further illustrated in an aberrant manner, as well as focusing on the emptier portions of the crowds or streets, suggesting a diminished number of people. Although the Romanian law does not require an official authorisation for such actions and rallies, many reporters concentrated on the supposedly unlawful and unauthorised facets of the protests (Margarit, 2016).

Not all media accepted all the pressures or RMGC’s advertising plans. For instance, in 2010, the daily ‘Adevarul’ rejected the offered advertising contract, although until the controversial protests became viral, they were publishing favourable advertising for RMGC. The online newspaper, ‘Hotnews’, rejected as well, RMGC’s advertising contract, yet they published RMGC content with a clear differentiation between their original content and RMGC’s. One noteworthy case it the satirical weekly journal, ‘Academia Catavencu’, where in March 2010, 13 journalists decided to leave the publication due to pressures from the management of the editorial teams, as they wanted to publish RMGC advertisements (Adavani, 2016).

RMGC’s relationship with the media was not restricted to editorial pressures and advertising, as in 2010, 14 deemed journalists were sponsored by RMGC to visit a gold mining facility, which used cyanide as the mean of extraction. Among cruises on luxurious boats and golfing, costing approximately 10.000 euro per person, the journalists denied any misconduct of the cyanide-based technology, stating false claims associated with water purity, one of the most crucial aspect of the protests, declaring that the water was pure and safe to consume. All the journalists, in influential editorial positions, denied any accusations and stand firm on the fact that the whole trip was in fact a research project, which was otherwise unaffordable without the RMGC’s endorsement, without any obligations, such as positive coverage (C.I, 2010). Thus, due to the fact that the traditional media offered a biased image on the Rosia Montana project, the role was taken by NGOs, independent journalists and citizens, sharing their concern, as exposed earlier. This transition from qualified to alternative sources, have highly affected traditional media’s credibility, as both illustrated in the protests and the coverage of the media.

Current situation

In June 2014, after an enduring 9 months of protests, the Parliament rejected the cyanide bill, Rosia Montana being classified in 30th of December as a historic site of national noteworthiness. Furthermore, in February 2016, Rosia Montana has been added on the country’s tentative list of UNESCO World Heritage sites by the Romanian’s ministry of Culture due to its historical Roman gold mine and cultural heritage. Nevertheless, this proposal comes after 6 years the request has been originally submitted, being dismissed by 10 ministers of culture. This proposal comes as an unequivocally future and new perspective of the area and the preservation of the natural national treasure of the country (Salvati Rosia Montana, 2016). Eugen David, the president of the Alburnus Maior Association stated:  

 “This is not just a huge gain for our cultural heritage; it's a great victory for civil society - for the thousands of people here and abroad who demanded for Rosia Montana to be saved.”(Iibid)

This online revolution does not only illustrated a more valuable resource than gold, the power of the citizens, but the hash tag #unitisalvam, has been since ‘recycled’ to encompass a various array of issues, such as the disputed shale gas operation by Chevron in Pungesti, legal branches and corruption. As in the case of the Rosia Montana protests, the common voice of the citizens, protesting in the streets has ended in their favour. Moreover, this new online activism has remained as powerful, facing a corrupt government, focusing on the Penal Code and the conflict of interest faced by politicians in their endeavour to decriminalise corruption, showing again, how the power of Internet can gain the attention of the international traditional media, although the media in the country remains silent (Boros & Cusick, 2017).

Conclusion

To conclude with, the “Save Rosia Montana” campaign could be regarded as the largest civic movement in Romania since the Communist revolution in 1989, as well as a massive corruption scandal until the 2017 #Rezist protest against the Government’s decision to decriminalise corruption offences (Ab?seac?, 2017). It could be argued that due to the Rosia Montana protest, Romanian citizens have re-gained their democratic power, as well as re-discovering the fundaments of solidarity, which has been long forgotten in the brutal political transition. Additionally, it is a clear illustration of the outcomes of a corrupt government which decides the future of socially sensitive facets, such as environmental and cultural heritage matters, without considering an unbiased democratic vote, proving for the first time that the cultural values and national identity are more valuable than the economic ones (Velicu, 2012). This social movement not only that has shown the power of response and revolt of the citizens, when democratic institutions are put in jeopardy and representative democracy is collapsing, but is has shown the way in which online networks and the Internet can provide an alternative media which takes the place of the traditional one, informing citizens and eroding the credibility of the traditional one, giving back the power to the citizens.

Being an active participant in my hometown, Timisoara, through the means of Facebook, I have been motivated to understand how the community came together, united to fight against the system, in a very creative way. I have been to a series of concerts, public speeches, poetry recitals, art exhibitions, all organised by local artists from both my hometown and Rosia Montana. I have been involved in the online community, as well as the street protests, being part of a collective action and community, something which was lacking until then. I believe that the most crucial movement that I have been part of was the ‘occupy’ campaign, where I have slept 3 days in a tent along with 50 other activists, in the Union Square, the open heart of my home city, where hundreds of people passed by. Thus, this experience has enabled me to be a part of a new generation, a generation which fights against ignorance, corruption and aims to protect its country.  As stated by Craciun, Rosia Montana was not only a fight against the cyanide mining, but the perfect chance to awake a society, which was dissatisfied with the government, politicians, traditional media and corporations, which have used the country’s resources in their own benefit  (Craciun, 2015).