One Nation After Trump: A guide for the perplexed, the disillusioned, the desperate, and the not yet deported. Chptr6

Once again these are notes taken while I read the chapter. I figured by reading these texts I'd have a better grasp on what is really transpiring - as we are making history every day, especially with recent political endeavors at hand. And since I'm taking the time to read all these books, I might as well share them with you all - the busy American or person who doesn't enjoy an indepth book, but wants the 'nitty gritty, short version. Due to copyright laws, I reword some of the text, leave quite a bit out, and just attempt to provide you a summary of what is written. Again, the LinkedIn site spell corrector is not functioning, so pardon any misspellings. All of these books can be found at your local public library.

Chapter 6 - Race, Immigration, Culture or Economics? The Complicated Motivations of the Trump Voter.

The Make America Great slogan was a work of political genius. It was not just an open end nature of a promise. Many slogans have that quality. And who could oppose the idea of 'greatness'? The key was the nostalgic 'again', it was the all-purpose word for Trump. Again implied that America's greatness lay in the past and it was something to be regained. This contrasted with Obama's view of America, that America grew greater with time, that it perfected itself as it changed. Trump sought out those whose votes were disgruntled and found no support from Obama's administration.

By keeping it vague, Trump's 'again' could refer to a variety of pasts. For some it was the more homogenous America with fewer immigrants and less pressure to be 'politically correct'. For others it was an America of humming factories and productive coal mines where wages were good. Chinese competition was unheard of, unions were strong, and a cottage on a lake was within reach of the average working man.

The word 'man' here is not an oversight, as the costs of economic change were felt especially by men, who once relied on industrial work for a living wage. For Trump's voters, these two visions of a more congenial yesterday came together in a longing for so much they felt they'd lost.

Were voters drawn to Trump primarily because of issues related to race, culture, and immigration or because of his promises to lift up Americans battered by the demise of industry, trade, and economic change. Both of these factors must be considered together, not separately, allowing us to decipher the political change and a path less devisive to our approach, when it comes to politics.

Both sides, the conservative and liberal have characteristic blind spots when analyzing the surge of popularity of 'Trump'; conservatives highlight his rhetoric on the discontent of the average American, while ignoring his racist rants and nativist strains. Liberals are divided as to the 'reasons', some do agree it is the resentment of past economic turnover policies, eliminating large employment sectors, global free trade, concentration of economic power and a decline in the labor movement. While others have great doubt the Trump supporters can be won over, despite any recourse performed by the Democrats. They believe the 'cat has been let out of the bag' when it comes to voicing the true feelings on racism, sexism and gender affirmation, and will be most difficult to regain any civility about these issues.

If Trump voters are angry at the recent economic changes, the behavior of Wall Street and corporate titans, ya know the 1%, at a time of rising inequality the solution is a far stronger dose of populist economics and less coddling of the Democratic Party's donor class

.Another liberal belief is that support for Trump is primarily driven by racism and sexism. Racism driven by the immigration issues and sexism based on the mores and values of extreme conservatism. These social liberals envision a long-term progressive movement emerging from rising groups in the electorate: Americans of color, younger voters, professional and middle class that favors a more open society.

Such an analysis points to a stategy based more on mobilizing groups already sympathetic to Democratic and progressive goals, than on converting Trump followers. Despite the above findings, there is more to analyze and pursue and measure, the distemper of the citizen base that led to Trump.

Per the 'New Republic', "Trump's victory was not merely a sign of the electorate gone mad; it was also a cry of dissatisfaction with the Democrats and Republicans response to the recent recession and its aftermath. This piece of the puzzle can not be labeled or placed in the same category as racism. And we must agree a decent share of white working class American is necessary for building a progressive coalition, particularly in the MidWest.

Critics of Trump are accurate that nativism, racial feeling, and blatant racism cannot be ignored and were indeed a decisive part of Trump's appeal.

Studies show historically, during times of prosperity are also associated with greater social generosity. It is no accident that the gains in civil rights, immigration, and attempts to eliminate the poor, occurred during the 60's, post the WWII period of prosperity. Benjamin Friedman an economist argued " a rising standard of living makes a society more open and tolerant and democratic, and perhaps more prudent on behalf of generations to come."

Trumpism arose after three decades of rising inequality worsened by a decline in manufacturing employment along with the Great Recession, resulting in white and native born to become more resentful toweard racial minorities and immigrants. All this was coupled with the terror of 9/11, both here and in Europe. The public's impatience on the wars of Iraq and Afghanistan created a distaste for them; while older religious and traditional Americans were angered at the vast cultural changes. Issues often overlaid with feelings about race and ehinicity but now encompassing gay marriage and transgender rights. Many older Americans never anticipated such endeavors, creating an opening for more discontent. And born from all this was the Tea Party.

Responses from voters to former Mississippi Mayor Haley Barbour "The changes taking place in the country is really scary to me". " I'm afraid my children and grandchildren are not going to inherit the same country, I inherited." Trump's election wasn't inevitable, but after serious review, it is clear how these forces came together to crate this movement.

Which were the most important and how did they interact?

Ingelhart and Norris, two scholars highlight the cultural changes weighed more heavily than those of racism or economic discontent in determining support for the right-wing populists. They stipulate that the power of the right-wing was based on ideological appeals to traditional values and was concentrated in the older generations, men, the religious, ethnic majorities, and less educated sectors of our societies.

Groups that now feel left out, strangers from the predominant values in their own country. Schaffner, MacWilliams & Nteta discovered post the 2016 election that "most of the divide appears to be the result of racism and sexism in the electorate, especially among whites without college degrees.

The fact that racial politics moved Republicans even more than Democrats toward Trump underlines what virtually all the studies of the election found: Trump consciously made race and culture central to his campaign in a way that George W. Bush, Romney or John McCain did not. He campaigned on a 'white' identity politics, highlighting black crime, Latino immigration, and Islamic terrorism as defining issues for the nation.

McElwee and McDaniel wrote 'our analysis indicated Trump was successful in leveraging existing resentment toward African Americans in combination with fears of increased diversity.

Tea Party agents often supported Medicare and Social Security as they saw them a 'earned' benefits, while other social benefits, going to the poor or sick, were handouts to free loaders, unwilling to support themselves. Thus, Trump left Medicare and Social Security off the Table of Cuts, that would occur during his administration.

All of the studies listed and more that were left out (by MKM) suggest that to ignore or downplay the role of race and immigration in creating the Trump coalition is to be willfully blind to the obvious. Being honest, you'd (we'd) need to ignore the content within his campaign and roots of his quest for presidency. In additon, we'd need to disregard strong racial undercurrents and openly embrace white supremacy. Trump played on prejudice, racism and doing so, won him the primaries. Seventy-nine percent of working white class voted for Trump, due to the cultural policies passed, leading them to have high anxiety.

Eighty-seven percent that thought immigration was a real issue, voted for Trump however, those that reported to be less financially secure, did not vote for him. Those found to be white, from 45yrs to 64yrs were in favor of Trump, while those in all other age categories were not. The 18yrs to 29yrs white electorate went to Trump but only by a few percentage points, as a minority chose 3rd party candidates.

Terrorism and foreign policy were other issues, of concern, a large percentage of those surveyed, by Pew Research, that chose foreign politics did not vote for Trump, while those who chose terrorism, did vote for him.

One of the most important sectors to support him, were the white Christians, evangelical pastors, despite his many faults and regressions Trump spewed on a daily basis, they embraced him. At that time, Russell Moore the president of the

Ethics and Religious Liberty Commission of the Southern Baptist Convention gave scathing remarks about taking in Trump. He belittled his personal boasts of sexual conquest and low regard for women, as only servitudes; he felt Trump's rhetoric was devisive during a time where we should be leading a pathway to racial reconciliation, as the Bible tells us to; are we really ready to give up our comraderie with our brothers and sisters of color, for this angry politician?

"If you lose an election, you can live to fight another day and move on, but if you lose an election while giving up your very soul, then you have really lost it all"

Moore ended up being a minority within his caucus, and other voices prevailed who felt a heavy-handed man, despite his sexual and racial innuendos, his profanity, was their protector. They wanted the meanest, toughest son-of-a-gun to fight off their enemies - the generations of a 'woke' populace. These pastors were willing to give up some of their basic commitments to rationalize supporting him. Among white evangicals a moral revolution took hold, while 30 percent felt in 2011 that a politician the committed an immortal act could not fulfill his duties, faithfully. While in 2016 over 72 percent felt otherwise. It was once of the most dramatic examples of how Trump debased so many aspects of American public life.

The Reverend Rob Schenck, a conservative evangelical who joined Russell Moore against Trump, offered this coda, " This could be the undoing of American evangelicalism. We could just become a political operation in a guise of a church".

Economic woes were a large contributor as polling discovered that Trump managed to bring in large numbers within inner cities, largely in the midwest where manufacturing jobs decreased or were eliminated. Smaller numbers were found in the smaller cities within the Sunbelt or Rust Belt where economic anxiety ran high.

Rolling back Trumpism requires being unafraid to acknowledge and condemn racism, sexism, nativism, and religious prejudice where they exist. But it also demands an empathtic ear for the genuine pain and unease that led many voters to Trump. A nation so divided by race and culture and divided again by regional disparities and economic inequalities is in need of a remedy.

American history has taught us that our country has a 'gift' for reform and self correction. We are in urgent need of both.