Newsletter #15 – Localising Reintegration

Dear Reader,

In last May's Research Brief,?we?discussed the role of trusting state-society relationships for peacebuilding, for whose thumbnail we chose (with a slightly more modern interpretation)?the famous etching of Thomas Hobbe's Leviathan?— the sovereign entitiy who is, despite its omnipotence, still composed of its own subjects, the people. One year?later, we take a different conceptual?angle: Beyond the stability and legitimacy of the central state, this edition will discuss the role of decentralisation for formerly armed actor (FAA) reintegration programming and, in the featured global stories, its wider implications for peace and security.

By this, we essentially want to talk about the potential benefits of "localising" reintegration, i.e.?bringing both its?planning and execution closer to the regions and communities where the process actually takes place. This involves not only?considerations of administrative efficiency?but also the notion of local ownership of these policies and grassroots involvement in their implementation. We, alongside many others in the field, have recognised that the success of FAA reintegration is highly contingent on its broader acceptance among target populations, its context-specificity, and its needs-alignment —?all aspects, as we will argue in this edition's Research Brief, for which decentralisation presents an opportunity. As FAA reintegration is seldom a standalone policy, the broader potential advantages of decentralised governance for post-conflict reconstruction and development goals, and how they can synergise with reintegration efforts, will also?become evident.

This month, we aim?to offer you a comprehensive perspective on governance decentralisation in the context of FAA reintegration, recognising the, to a certain degree, inherently decentralised nature of this process:?no one can "force" the community acceptance of people coming out of organised violence from the top down. At the same time, decentralisation?is a?complex, nuanced and sometimes risky measure that can be approached with varied understandings of devolved?decision making. We are all the more curious to hear your feedback on the topic, which you can provide by responding to this mail.

Thank you for your continued support and reading time. If you would like to contribute to our work, donations through the Corioli Institute website are greatly appreciated.

Jonathan R?ders Research Associate, Trust After Betrayal

Research Brief: Decentralised and Community-Driven Formerly Armed Actor Reintegration

This edition's Research Brief explores decentralised and community-driven reintegration of formerly armed actors (FAAs), emphasising its role in sustainable peacebuilding and local ownership. Drawing on case studies from Ukraine, Northern Ireland, and Sub-Saharan Africa, it discusses the opportunities of decentralising administration and decision-making for reintegration programs to the local and grassroots levels.??trustafterbetrayal.org/researchbriefs

Global Affairs: Decentralisation, Peace and Security

Yemen: Decentralisation Strategies and Security Sector Reform

In the field of national security policy, decentralisation measures are also a common consideration for security sector reform (SSR) in post-conflict settings, which frequently involves the integration of a diverse group armed actors into regular state forces. After enduring a decade of civil war, whose intensity as sharply decreased after a UN-brokered April 2022 ceasefire?between the Houthi rebels and the government, Yemen is at a crucial juncture where various political and armed factions co-exist in a hybrid state of formal and informal regional governance. The establishment of the Presidential Leadership Council (PLC)?and its Joint Military Committee (JMC) aims to transition the country from a fragmented political order to a more inclusive structure that blends different groups under a single institutional umbrella, including restructuring and unifying the armed groups of the “anti-Houthi camp” into a single security sector.

Beyond an integration of combatants into existing forces, the SSR discussed in this context proposes the establishment of a gendarmerie-like agency as either a Yemen Regional Guard (YRG) or a Yemen National Guard (YNG). Both of these strategic inroads would balance authority between the central government and local authorities while maintaining sector cohesiveness by institutionalising local powers within a federal framework. They would customise training regionally and engage in local recruitment to build trust between security forces and communities while offering economic opportunities for civilians and armed actors alike. Selected "commanders" and "officers" would undergo security professionalisation aimed at national reconciliation, while other combatants would receive security training or vocational education aligned with local employment needs. This approach would particularly benefit those at the grassroots level who are less motivated by ideology or political goals, encouraging them to reconsider their roles within their families and communities and facilitating their transition back to civilian life.

Notably, the two proposals feature varying degrees of decentralisation: The YRG represents a more markedly devolved model that would potentially align with a federal state structure, granting significant autonomous powers to local governorates and allowing regions to independently manage their security. Conversely, the YNG proposes a more controlled form of decentralisation, where local authorities have limited powers within a framework more closely monitored and regulated by central government bodies, indicating a more cautious approach to decentralisation. While the YRG risks empowering governors excessively, marginalising national institutions and fuelling further corruption and competition, the YNG model may fall short of providing the desired autonomy the necessary responsiveness to local security challenges.?

Ultimately, determining the preferable option is contingent upon the ongoing political negotiation within the PLC and a meticulous assessment of the risks and trade-offs. When implementing the chosen option, it is crucial to ensure an institutional design that ensures continued cohesion, transparency and accountability between governance levels. Moreover, a significant challenge lies in the prospect of integrating the adversarial Houthis, in the scenario of a peace agreement with the PLC, into the?SSR. This task is complicated by the fact that the Houthis have managed to consolidate power rather than dispersing it within the war landscape — a stark contrast to what has become an increasingly fragmented and internally divided anti-Houthi camp.

Read more:

Integrating Yemen’s Armed Groups: Pathways of Decentralisation

South Sudan: Engaging Grassroots Governance for Peacebuilding

Governance decentralisation in South Sudan aims to promote autonomy at the local level, thereby strengthening national unity by better accommodating the competing interests of various ethnic and religious groups. However, its effectiveness is hampered by the incomplete formalisation of subnational structures and a simultaneous lack of empowerment at the grassroots governance level. South Sudan has yet to establish robust conventional local government institutions in rural areas, where traditional authorities instead handle community-level issues under customary laws. Consequently, the success of peacebuilding efforts currently depends heavily on effectively engaging with these structures.

The Voluntary Civilian Disarmament Strategy and Community Violence Reduction (CVR) initiatives, spearheaded by the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), United Nations Mission in South Sudan (UNMISS) and the South Sudan National DDR Commission, demonstrate an approach that combines security building interventions with the stimulation of grassroots governance. These initiatives harness the authority of local chiefs to rally community support, foster trust in disarmament endeavors and facilitate the peaceful collection of arms. Sensitisation workshops on voluntary civilian disarmament in regions like the Wau and Jur River counties emphasise the necessity of enforcing the rule of law, incorporating both men and women in governance processes, and ensuring that local customary laws are in harmony with national legislation. Such activities strengthen Boma and Payam-level chiefs’ community ties and ability to govern, enhancing their role in upholding peace, human rights, and legal standards locally.

Moreover, support for localised conflict resolution mechanisms is illustrated by the CVR programme encouraging the enforcement of the Marial Bai accord, which regulates interactions between farmers and cattle keepers in the county. By advancing the implementation of such agreements, communities can effectively manage conflicts related to land use and resource access, thereby promoting peace and stability in the region. This approach aligns with the broader goals of the CVR project, which seeks to address the root causes of conflict and promote sustainable community-led initiatives.?

Realising disarmament and violence reduction efforts by empowering traditional local authorities while embedding them in a broader community dialogue is a pragmatic approach to strengthening peaceful coexistence within and between communities in South Sudan. This approach helps decentralised governance effectively materialise, bridging the gap between national policy frameworks and local realities from the grassroots upward.

Read more:

Effects of decentralization on ethnic conflict resolution in South Sudan: A case study of Juba county

French funded Community Violence Reduction Project in Western Bhar El Ghazal sensitizes combatants and community members on South Sudan’s Voluntary Civilian Disarmament Strategy

Past Activities

Four desk reviews and one policy paper on the Climate Change, Conflict and Migration (CCM) nexus in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region written by?Principal Investigator Dr Erin McFee?for the International Organisation for Migration (IOM) are now available in the Corioli insittute Library. [Spanish] Contributing Researcher

Lina María Arango published the column "Total Peace and the Fight against Corruption in Colombia".

Meet our Research Team: Lina María Arango Dávila

"I am Lina María Arango, born in Pereira, Colombia, in the region known as the Coffee Axis (Eje Cafetero). I studied Government and International Relations at the Universidad Externado de Colombia (Bogotá, 2002) and have a master's degree in Planning and Administration of Regional Development from the Universidad de los Andes (Bogotá, 2009).

With twenty years of professional experience, I have served as a regional project director, consultant in the public sector, and in international organisations. Currently, I am an international consultant and collaborator of the "Trust After Betrayal" project in Colombia.

Between 2008 and 2012, I managed the reintegration process of ex-combatants in the Eje Cafetero, a role that allowed me to understand the social, economic, and institutional challenges that people who voluntarily decide to lay down their arms must face.

Subsequently, I was an activist in the peace process with the FARC, a process that culminated in the signing of the Peace Agreement in 2016. I have also conducted consultations with cooperation entities and NGOs to identify corruption risks that jeopardise the implementation and stability of the peace process.

In my interest in influencing policy and institutionally in the implementation of initiatives that contribute to the inclusion of public policies for peace, gender equality, and development with an SDG focus, I actively participated as a candidate in territorial (Government of Risaralda 2019) and national (Senate 2022) elections, an experience that allowed me to understand the territorial electoral dynamics that favor or hinder progress towards more transparent, fair, and equitable public management."

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