Malicious Neo-Peshwas, lopsided progress, people in warpath

Malicious Neo-Peshwas, lopsided progress, people in warpath

To, Shree Ramdas Athavale, Republican Party of India(RPI)

Dear Sir,

This is to draw your kind attention that worried by lopsided progress people of Maharashtra are in warpath. Restricted ambit of technological society has failed to meet the aspiration of local people, at the same time rural resources and economy are not increasing at a desire pace. Redundant Devendra Fadnavis ‘s Government, the weak foundation of NARENDRA MODI’s Government build upon the illusion of women and money, are stimulating the agitation. The menace of poisonous women and money is cropping up.  The government focus is confined to safeguarding women and money of vaniya. The vaniya are systemically grabbing national resources, all the private and public sector units are falling under the control of capitalists. Not only these the state has put all forces to suppress the voice of HINDU and to keep them in dark, so that women inclusive scams of vaniya sustain and Hindu remain cheap labour and vote bank for HINDU Mask.

Kopradi rape case has heightened the Maratha movement. In August, Osmanabad in Marathwada district 25,000 people participated in rally, a similar rally was led by 50,000 people in Beed, Marathwada, in another march in Parbhani 100,000 people were present. Maratha may organized  such rallies in future also.  

The Maratha comprises 40 per cent of Maharashtra's population, which factor a lot. They want the perpetrators of the rape and murder to be hang, 16 per cent reservation for Marathas, Modification of the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Amendment Act.

The  well organized Dalits of Maharashtra and Other Backward Classes are alarmed about the intentions of Maratha. Dalits are not happy over Marathas’ demands for reservation, fearing it might lead to encroachment on their rights. Dalits apprehension is increasing against the neo-Peshwas, MR. Narendra Modi, Prime Minister of India and  Mr. Devendra Fadnavis, Chief Minister of Maharastra.

Maharashtra a most progressive state of India, witnessing a large number of suicides by farmers, state situation is changing fast. The demand for reservation by the dominant Marathas is indicative of the plight of various sections of communities. This is the real issue need to be address urgently otherwise circumstances will further worsen. 

The caste based divisions exist since tradition. Therefore HINDU democracy is greatly influenced by caste and is defunct. Democracy has been for long time avoiding discussing and resolving the factors impeding the development and aspirations of disadvantaged. The manipulative dominating castes have been successfully twisting the agenda due to lack of channel for consultation and collective ownership. All these delay tactics has only further aggravated the disparities, poverty and conflicts. Narendra Modi’s Government who has great mastery in manipulative governance, as a conspiracy not allowing HINDU to discuss critical issues affecting common people, protest against the injustice. His favoritism to women and money of vaniya has brought all round disaster.  

I am also one of the victims of sex inclusive scams of vaniya. I was dismissed by Narendra Modi’s Government. Mr. Narendra Modi is not alone. The organized Brahmin, Vaniya , Kayastya and Christian in large number demanded and supported  Narendra Modi’s Government in dismissing me to enjoy privilege of sexual rights in workplace and governance.  Narendra Modi’s Government is product of Vaniya and Media therefore he is indebted to obliged them. The question is whether sexual right of vaniya is important or development rights of HINDU are important. Who will decide this, the infidel vaniya or HINDU? We need to undertake constitution mapping of present Vaniya Government, identifying the stakeholders and rapidly demolishing them. Mr. Narendra Modi along with stakeholders shall be hanged. I am determined to punish the anti democratic and development forces.

The free economy of Narendra Modi’s Government is highly devoted to demand and supply of women and money for vaniya.  The boom in women, money and vaniya  is the character of MODI’s economy. How long HINDU will remain mute spectator, excluded except carrying the burden of women money and sin of vaniya.

The free economy will continue to keep women and money of vaniya at all time high and HINDU will be paying for the show. Free economy is for those who have money and women. HINDU need a planned economy fit to  the changing context & people need and aspirations.  

The HINDU shall at the earliest abandon the free economy, women,  vaniya and  Narendra Modi’s Government and formulate planned economy for resource deployment on strategic thrust areas and fit interventions not business to move toward egalitarian society. Otherwise Narendra Modi’s Government who has no concern about HINDU will continue to cultivate various groups into warning groups and HINDU will remain Ill fated witnessing the worst.  My sacking very well clarify that sole concern of Narendra Modi’s Government is women and money of vaniya and for that there is no limit. All the enterprises centered on women scam vaniya shall be nationalized, monopoly & parallel economy shall be banned,  these will  pave the path of ownership of HINDU inclusive of dalits and others disadvantaged groups.

Regards

Sanjeev

 

Quota won't help, there are no jobs: Gadkari to Marathas

August 05, 2018 08:44 IST

Stating that reservation will not guarantee employment as jobs are shrinking, Union minister Nitin Gadkari on Saturday said there is a 'school of thought' which wants policy-makers to consider the poorest of poor in every community.

Gadkari made the remarks, responding to reporters' questions on the ongoing agitation by the Marathas for reservation and similar demands by other communities in Maharashtra.

"Let's us assume the reservation is given. But there are no jobs. Because in banks, the jobs have shrunk because of IT. The government recruitment is frozen. Where are the jobs?

"The problem with the quota is that backwardness is becoming a political interest. Everyone says I am backward. In Bihar and Uttar Pradesh, Brahmins are strong. They dominate politics. (And) They say they are backward," the senior Bharatiya Janata Party leader said.

"So one school of thought is that a poor is a poor, he has no caste, creed or language. Whatever may be the religion -- the Muslim, the Hindu or the Maratha (a caste), in all communities there is one section which has no clothes to wear, no food to eat.

"One school of thought also is (that) we must also consider the poorest of the poor section in every community," he said.

This is a 'socio-economic thinking' and it must not be politicised, the Union minister said.

Maintaining that Maharashtra Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis was trying to resolve the Maratha quota demand by holding talks, Gadkari urged people to maintain peace.

"The responsible political parties must not add fuel to the fire," he added.

The development, the industrialisation and the good prices for rural produce would ease the economic distress that the Maratha community is suffering from, he said.

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What the Marathas want

September 28, 2016 09:48 IST

'Theirs is not a campaign for diffused issues like social justice and equity. They have three clearly articulated demands,' reports Aditi Phadnis.

 A 14-year-old girl in Karjat, Ahmadnagar, Maharashtra, went to see her grandparents on July 14. She never returned. Anxious search parties found her bicycle, and later her mutilated body at a nearby farm.

The police said the medical report stated her hair had been pulled out, her hands were dislocated from the shoulders, her teeth smashed and she was strangled to death after rape. She was a Maratha. The alleged perpetrators of the rape (three of the four involved are in custody) and murder are Dalits.

The Kopardi case (Kopardi being the village where this happened) has become a defining political issue among mostly Marathas in Maharashtra.

The incident grabbed some headlines initially, but the national media more or less forgot about it. The Facebook and WhatsApp chatter in Maratha groups runs thus: 'would similar brutality have got the same treatment if it had been the other way round -- that is, a Dalit victim of outrage by upper caste boys?'

While Dalit activist groups are maintaining resolute and complete silence on the matter, the Marathas, whether in community gatherings or marketplaces, ask each other in hushed outrage: "How did they even dare?"

This refers not just to the changed pattern of violence (Dalits attacking upper castes) but also the deep feeling at the unresponsiveness of political outfits to the incident.

A month passed. People got angrier. In August, Osmanabad in Marathwada district saw a rally of 25,000 people, presumably Marathas. The thing about the gathering was: It had no political patronage, no leaders made speeches; it was just a silent march culminating in a rally where a few Class 12 girls spoke about being a woman and being raped. They read out their speeches from sheets torn out of their school notebooks.

They said: 'We can't stay silent any more.'

What Marathas want?

• Perpetrators of the Kopradi rape and murder to be hanged
• 16 per cent reservation for Marathas
• Modification of the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Amendment Act

A couple of days later, a similar rally was held in Beed, also in Marathwada. This had 50,000 people. This was followed by another march in Parbhani. This got 100,000 people. It was a completely silent assembly of people that included thousands of women and the elderly. Nothing -- not a sheet of paper, a bamboo stick or a plastic water bottle -- remained after the crowd had dispersed. Everything was cleaned up by those who attended.

Maratha activist groups are now planning such rallies in every big city in every district of Maharashtra. Towards the end of the year, the plan is to hold one in Mumbai where the target is 10 million people. That will be something.

Social media tells us what Marathas -- who are not a monolith, with sub-castes and all, comprising around 40 per cent of Maharashtra's population -- want.

Theirs is not a campaign for diffused issues like social justice and equity. They have three clearly articulated demands.

One, they want the perpetrators of the rape and murder, no matter what their caste, to hang. They want a fast-track court to run the trial and a time frame in which the girl's family should get justice.

Two, they want 16 per cent reservation for Marathas. The outgoing Congress-Nationalist Congress Party government passed the law promising reservation, but the high court struck it down. They want the ban on reservation lifted and the ruling Devendra Fadnavis-led government to look as if it is fighting for a decision taken by the elected legislature.

And they want a modification of the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Amendment Act. This is the real issue.

Maharashtra has a well-organised and assertive Dalit population. Years of oppression and activism have taught Dalits how to use affirmative action in their favour.

The Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act is a national law that makes any action -- in speech or in any other way -- against Dalits a cognisable offence.

Which means that if a non-Dalit reproves a Dalit at work, the latter can file an first information report and the police will take him away and lock him up.

Malicious complaints, especially in Maharashtra, abound. The use of the legislation as a tool of blackmail, extortion and intimidation has also been reported.

What the Marathas want is an end to the appeasement of the Dalits. The politically correct may well shudder. But if governments want to correct historical wrongs, they must be prepared to face the consequences.

The most important aspect of the current situation is it is without violence; and it is out of the control of politicians.

Anecdotal evidence suggests the movement is funding itself -- a couple of empty oil tins circulated at one rally yielded nearly Rs 20 lakh (Rs 2 million), reports social media.

IMAGE: A Maratha Kranti Morcha protest in Solapur. Photograph: PTI Photo

Aditi Phadnis

BJP needs to watch out for the caste pot in Maharashtra

January 16, 2018 12:10 IST

Despite being hailed as one of India’s most progressive and most developed states, Maharashtra is witnessing the fallout of lopsided progress, observes Sunil Gatade

IMAGE: Members of the Dalit community shout slogans as they block a highway during protests in Mumbai during the Maharashtra bandh on January 3. Photograph: Danish Siddiqui/Reuters

There are no straight answers to exactly what happened at Koregaon Bhima on New Year’s day, hailed as ‘shaurya divas’ by Dalits for the valour of their ancestors in the Anglo-Maratha war 200 years ago that put an end to Peshwa rule.

An incident took place, detail unclear, at nearby Vadu Budruk where the samadhi of Sambhaji is located. It led to stone throwing, near-rioting and sit-ins that engulfed large parts of Maharashtra, including the state capital, in the first week of the new year.

Now, it’s become a cocktail -- Dalits vs Marathas, Dalits vs Brahmins, Dalits vs ruling Bharatiya Janata Party and within the BJP, the chief minister, Devendra Fadnavis, vs others. It is also clear that with the impending Lok Sabha and assembly elections, everyone is trying to extract the maximum out of this muddle.

Opposition parties are blaming ‘Hindutva’ fringe elements for the incidents that brought Ambedkarite youth on the warpath; the BJP is targeting ‘outside forces’, an apparent reference to Jignesh Mewani, a Dalit leader from Gujarat, who addressed the massive rally there.

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While the police, initially caught unawares, brought the situation quickly under control there, the fallout started elsewhere -- in parts of Mumbai, Pune, and Aurangabad. It was followed by a call for a ‘Maharashtra bandh’ by Prakash Ambedkar, one of the original rally organisers and grandson of the late B R Ambedkar, which was a success.

Fadnavis happens to be a Brahmin. It was said at the rally that the fight now is against the neo-Peshwas, a reference to both him and the prime minister. Peshwa Bajirao II, also a Brahmin, defeated at the battle of Koregaon Bhima which helped bring the British East India Company to full power in India, was the PM of the then tottering Maratha empire.

The protests have led to Prakash Ambedkar being treated as the Dalit voice in the state. A development the BJP can ill-afford, as it dents its social engineering platform under which it made another Dalit voice, Ramdas Athawale, not only an MP but a Union minister.

Maharashtra is changing fast. Despite being hailed as one of India’s most progressive and most developed states, it is witnessing the fallout of lopsided progress. It also has the dubious distinction of being a state reporting a large number of suicides by farmers. 

The demand for reservation by the dominant Marathas is indicative of the plight of sections of various communities that have failed to become part of the ‘technological society’. The fault lines are at a time when Dalits are not happy over Marathas’ demands for reservation, fearing it might lead to encroachment on their rights.

The Marathas are also for scrapping the SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, saying it’s been misused in the state. Silent marches taken out by Marathas over the state, with big participation and from leaders of various hues, has also alarmed ‘others’, including Dalits and Other Backward Classes about the intentions of this community.

With 48 Lok Sabha seats, Maharashtra is politically an important state in the country. The emergence of Narendra Modi has propelled the BJP, for long a laggard in state politics, to centre-stage. And, pushing to secondary status the Shiv Sena, so far treated as its ‘elder brother’ in Maharashtra. It is no secret that the sulking Sena is playing the role of the opposition while sharing power. 

Bhima Koregaon is near Pune and part of prosperous western Maharashtra, where the BJP has made deep inroads in what was once the bastion of Sharad Pawar’s Nationalist Congress Party and the Congress.

With the Congress giving the BJP a run for its money on Modi’s home turf of Gujarat, if Muslims, Dalits and some others join hands, it could be a formidable combination all over. In the 1998 Lok Sabha polls, Maharashtra had seen a Dalit-Muslim-Maratha combine, leading to the Congress and its allies bagging 42 out of 48 seats.

Police firing at Ramabai Ambedkar Nagar in Mumbai in 1997 in which 10 Dalits were killed had seen the community up in arms against the then Sena-BJP government. The caste pot has again been stirred in Maharashtra. How the government stems the effects needs to be watched.