The Breakthrough for the Ever Suffering People in Kenya’s North Eastern Region is Right at the Corner

A personal Perspective

By Billowabdi Hassan; CENTREP Executive Director and Founder

Centre for Research and Prosperity

Food Security and Livelihoods Analyst and Researcher

With interest in

Developmental and Social Research

Executive Summary

North Eastern Kenya (waqooyi baari kinya), a relatively small area of arid land mainly inhabited by Kenyan Somalis has been in the dark corner for the past fifty years Kenya has been a republic. During the administration of Kenya’s first and second presidents North Eastern Kenya had been fighting for inclusivity and acceptance after the British colonist annexed it from Somalia handing it over to Kenya.  During those periods, Kenya government was so much concerned about alleged political movement in the region. There was fear by the ruling parties that local politicians were in war with them to forcefully reverse the British order following the annexation from the former Juballand region; the origin of N.E.P.

 Following the subsequent efforts to ‘’bring the region under-control’’ Kenya’s first  and second governments used military force, economic sabotage, deliberate marginalization, restriction of movement  and negative profiling as their chief weapons against impeccable Kenyan Somalis. The outcomes were severe to be shouldered by its recipients and it was tough times all through.  Besides the loss of un-guilty lives and animals as a result of internally publicized massacres, Somalis in Garissa, Wajir and Mandera found themselves crippling with a high scale and purposive discrimination and segregation. They could not afford to overcome.                                                                                                  

Efforts by international organizations like Human Rights Watch or its mission simulate fell on death ears and the entire world was forced to provide support through untimely and insufficient humanitarian aid.

Military and police operations went on and on, assassinations and eliminations were unrestrained and lastly the government became successful by depopulating its own countrymen. Indeed it was painful, people cannot justify why that was done before their unmasked eyes. 

But as just like there is rain and also lack of is something that makes me feel happy internally.    I am not able to remove or fake my hope. I am justifiably optimistic; I am seeing light on the railway behind the train of problems whose last portions we finished counting recently. A number of factors, some slowly unfolding together with others that are already with us, are responsible for my reliable argument.

First in my list is the constitutional milestone Kenya had adapted in August 2010 through the majority of votes cast in the historical referendum. It is all about Kenya’s locally made hybrid constitution that came with a devolved government services to the county governments. The 47 county governments get a fantastic share of the national revenue which is proportionally shared among them.  Through this scheme, N.E.P counties got the much needed financial support. 

 Second is the fact that Somalia is also re-establishing itself. We have so far witnessed the second government and from my close examination of the progress and consultations I have had with my widespread confidants across Somalia, hope is its peak. The combination of efforts of devolution and a stable Somalia is the right climate for economic and social growth people in NEP can ever have together.

Introduction

Among Kenya’s former eight provincial administration units is a flat, arid and dry mainly pastoral land separating the country along a 700Km  international border line from the only  African Union member with the longest coast line that is gradually recovering from two and half decades old civil war and statelessness. With a close to 98% ethnic Somali residents, the 127,358.5 km2 under-developed and least populated region is known for its semi-arid and hot desert climate accompanied by the little and un-reliable annual rainfall. In the nearly 53 years Kenya was a republic, the least socially and economically advanced region was known to be one of main recipients, together with Turkana, of emergency humanitarian response by both local and international agencies.  By default more than 80% of the residents in this region are prone to humanitarian crisis due to their low resilience level.

 I think it’s the only region in Kenya were most of socio-economic and political problems affecting societies are found. Social problems like food insecurity, malnutrition, insecurity, lack of operational and effective institutions like schools and hospitals, under-employment just to list some of the main have become chronic. In all forms of development index North Eastern region has been holding at the rare positions.  Good examples are the recently abolished ranking of schools performance in the national exams, the poor roads that become impassable in the event of some rain drops and the less equipped and understaffed hospitals.  But something is showing signs of coming, something like the brightness of change that will resuscitate North Eastern. It just a matter of time…I am optimistic….I am hopeful and my dear hope is not going away.

When Problems Started

The north eastern province of Kenya has gone through nearly subsequent or simultaneous crises since it was first demarcated in 1925 by the British colonial administration as the northern frontier district (s). Before 2002, I think the only time there was some sort of fairness in the country was when the British were ruling Kenya for their selfish gain; we were forced to act against the natural laws of respect for human rights and absolute fairness in all systems of governance for evenly distributed national growth and development.

North Eastern Kenya has been living a difficult life full of confusion, restlessness, instability, insecurity, neglect, depression as just some of the conspicuous ones. But there are many more that did not come into sight or our notice. Before it was annexed from Jubaland in south Somalia in 1925, the pastoral community was part of a strong and powerful social fabric that was full of social cohesion and togetherness between the numerous Somali families. Starting from 1960 when the British colonies were dissolved and the then Northern Frontier District was handed over to Kenya nationalist as its new administrators a series of disasters started for the region.

The famous Shifta war was the deadliest and disastrous form of civil unrest the region has ever come through.  According to a google document I once read as literature to review, as a response to the decline by the new Kenyan administrators to give up the NFD after independence, under the leadership of the popular Northern Province Peoples Progressive party (NPPP) Somali residents objected to the new decision which give rise to the famous shifta war. Based on what I read from existing literatures by re-known writers the outcome of the said war between a state and its own people was what I call genocide.  Somalis were termed as hard-to-rule ethnicity in Kenya and government machineries like military (forces) were used to forcefully suppress them. They were charged against un-committed crimes, many curfews were bestowed and their movement was restricted to their remote towns.

Somalis were considered as war-lovers by the then Kenya media, always-armed, rioters, un-patriotic citizens among others.  Some of the historical outcomes of this unconstitutional classification were the Wagala and Malkamari massacres that were executed under the leadership of the second president of Kenya, Daniel Troitich. Nearly 3000 Somalis were burnt after they were submerged in floods of large drainage of a flammable substance which were later ignited in what is now Wagalla Airstrip. According to the Truth, Justice and Reconciliation Commission formed in response to the deadly 2008 post-election violence, the massacre represents the worst human rights violation that has ever happened in Kenya! I don’t know why a similar commission was not formed at that time. 

It is like our colonizers knew that we won’t rule ourselves very well when they hand power to us. As the Swahili people say mtoto akililia wembe mpe (if a child cries for a blade then give it to them). We cried out loudly for sovereignty and replacement of imported and dictatorial leadership with locally breed and democratic one!  We claimed we will govern ourselves better and best. When power was transferred to us, the reverse of what we advocated for in our freedom songs were rampant. Nepotism, corruption, clannism, segregation and marginalization were the seeds of the bloods we had shade. We turned against each other in what is now globally known as a cold war.

There are no arms or military presence but you are taken through automated mechanisms which will automatically put you to be part of people in lower class or second class citizens as is contemporarily recognized in Kenya.  Call it economic or social war as you may like it. Basically, in this methodology you are given the least considerations in the location of national resources and the public facilities at your vicinity are least empowered or under-resourced. Then you are done and you may even remain in that situation if God does decree otherwise in your favor.    

The outputs of this specialized form of war manifest themselves in many but closely related forms. Your children will not get good education, your patients will stay longer on hospital beds or even die due to lack of appropriate medical services, you take longer than necessary to travel to your nearest destination, your overqualified son or daughter does not get shortlisted. It is that you educated through selling of fire-wood or scarce milk or more worse pulling behind you close to half a ton of twenty liters jerry cans full of salty and muddy water through the support of an emaciated donkey  in your ever sunny, over-crowed and un-organized markets. May be it is a common method in the fifty three states in the black continent. Call it national prevalence enjoyed by a few of the total population to make it seem simple to comprehend. That’s what people in North Eastern Kenya have lived through. 

The Clouds are Gathering, the Good Signs   

A new dawn with a bright future is starting to shine over the north eastern Kenya. The pro-longed period of difficult living seems to be coming to an end and the long awaited happiness is almost bursting from its constraining warehouse. When you wait for goodness for long time with patience and hope then that specific goodness will definitely come; no situation is permanent.  The goodness with this world is there are signs for everything that’s in the pipeline, whether good or bad. And if you don’t know, signs for coming good things always overwhelm their counterpart. 

If I use the best of my forecasting powers, people in North Eastern Kenya have only a maximum of nearly ten years from the end of 2016 to wait before living conditions turn out to be the closest simulation of the good life in haven. Some of the long awaited routes to access development will come from within the region and the others from the external environment. The next thing you will ask me is what evidence I have for that.  To give you a glimpse of what I am talking about then you have to look at my justifications described below. 

The Good Signs

The Magic Power of Devolution and its Related Benefits

To start with, by the grace of God, on August 2010 Kenya had discovered a remarkable path to lasting development and balanced regional growths. In fact, to be precise, the middle economy east African state became the first of its friends to disregard the long serving document of the rule of law drafted by the British substituting it with a more powerful and locally specific constitution. During when the young and intelligent Kenyans were drafting it in Naivasha or in other parts of the biggest east Africa economy, they were determined, which they were successful, to make it the document that will serve Kenyans with fairness and just.  If I am not wrong the 2010 constitution was mainly drafted and adapted to make equal Kenya’s eight diverse regions. Proportional sharing of natural resources and regional balance are the most significant missions of the documents I am interested in.

To some extent, this has come to be true.  Economic analyst from North Eastern  Kenya I once talked to about the benefits of the new constitution were generally summative to  the high budgetary allocation the regions has received from the national  treasury compared to what  we used to  receive from independence to  before January 2013, the period when the constitution was properly put into practice. Currently, the budgetary allocations for the county governments budget is shared based on population (45%), basic equal share (18%), poverty index (20%), and 8% and 2% for land area and fiscal  responsibility respectively.  In total, from 2013 to date the three North Eastern counties have received close to a total of 52 billion shillings on average less the constituency development funds and the local county revenues collections.  Although there are some corruption and fraud claims reported people have seen some development projects being started.  From instances, in my home town Wajir, I always give credit to the governor for the visible projects like the 25kms tarmacked roads besides the numerous jobs created, local investments and growth and advancement in the structural as well as the physical development by the locals.

Given that devolution is just three years and five months (as of today) old a lot of needed changes are in the pipeline. Can you imagine if we get connected to Garissa and Mandera from Wajir by just a two way class B paved road? And I think that’s a development goal of our governors although there is a dispute of who should do that, either the national or the county government?

Somalia Moving Fast to Stability

Since the federal government of Somalia graduated from being an interim government we have witnessed a chain of changes in terms of institutional developments and restructuring.  Also the Mogadishu based federal government has managed to establish itself in many of its provinces through the state administrations since it was inaugurated as an internationally recognized federal government in August 2012.  With the support from the AMISOM forces and the international community, the Somali National Army has managed to regain control of many areas from the outlawed militia group known as UGUS by federal government. Consequently, the federal government got a slightly favorable environment to establish some state government commonly known as Maamul Gobaleed in Somali and strengthen ties with pre-existing ones.

Under the leadership of his Excellency president Hassan Sheikh Mohamud, the federal government of Somalia has managed to institute three states (Galmuduug, South West Somalia, Banadir and the under-development and almost ending Hiran state) and strengthened ties with the Jubaland State that was still progressing during his election in 2012. The formulation, creation and of course the firm-put foundation of these state governments has made people of Somalia feel some sense of statehood around them. At least there is something to call a government now. And with the August 2016 elections nearing speedily, majority of the Somali communities are in a preparatory mood and many are eager to have a full-fledged government.

 And this time is going to be elections across six states; I am not sure about Somaliland. Given that the 4.5 power sharing formula has been adapted in the aforementioned states with Puntland adapting it temporarily you can imagine how strong that government will be. 

Somalis Felt the Severe Effect of Conflict and National Instability

Another good reason I have to show that Somali is not going to be the same again is about the realization of the need for order and calmness by the various Somali communities. In my childhood or even beyond, although I can’t exactly remember how tings used to work, there used to be a form of firm, cohesive and adhered to (by the community members) social leadership in all Somali communities. Under the lead of a Boqor for some and Ugas for others, orders used to flaw from up downwards, there used to be a social law in place and resolution of inter-clan disputes was done with ease and efficiency. Neighboring communities lived happily together and there was love and brotherhood between them. I think this form of social fabric was strongest when Somalia had a central government up to when the civil war started in 1992. There after we noticed social destruction, inter-can clashes, rampant and deadly violence and the list is endless. But there are reliable signs that Somalis have realized the need to reverse back to the origins or what we used to be.  I don’t know if I am the only person seeing this happening, but still that does not matter.  In the past close to ten years, we have being witnessing socio-political movements in numerous Somali communities. Many communities have appointed an Ugas together with his Ugasate.  In NFD in Kenya, nearly every community has one and the same applies to others in Somalia. 

This is a good trend, indeed it is what we have been waiting for. And, sincerely, we have already seen the fruits of this initiative; communication and conflict resolution among Somali communities has become easy both in Kenya and in Somalia and thus political co-existence and inter-community dialogue has been alleviated. Isn’t this a credible move towards lasting stability and togetherness for Somalis?       

More Focused Support by the International Community

Lastly we have the recognition of the federal government by the international community. Today, after the regrettable down-fall of the late Hon Siyad Bare’s central government, the sitting government of Somalia spearheaded by President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud is globally acknowledged. It is not an interim or transitional. It is a formal government with a voice in the United Nation’s assembly of state governments. There are also other signs of the UN agencies acknowledging the ability of the federal government to man chief institutions and soon administration of some sectors like health and education may be handed over to the federal government.

There is something nice that I don’t want to leave out. After the down-fall of the last central government of Somalia, international aid for Somalia was commissioned as humanitarian crisis responses. In fact, in the first ten of the national disaster and when the immigration was at its peak, the international community focused to deliver assistance inform of essential needs; shelter, food and medical help for the affected persons. Although the provided support has done a lot to save lives, the chief cause of the disaster was not addressed accordingly and that’s why humanitarian calamity has been repeating in the country. To overcome this perennial holocaust, as we could see in the recent years, as supplementary efforts, new and reliable measures have been introduced by the international community to move the country towards reconciliation and stability.

The community has refocused its aid towards restructuring institutions of governments. Personally, although I don’t know the exact history, I supposed that from the 31 January 2009 at Kempinski hotel in Djibouti, Somalis got re-directed towards better conditions and a sense of nationhood when Mr. Sheikh Sharif Sheikh Hassan got sworn into power to head the transitional government that delivered into existence the hopeful federal government we have now.  Besides, the increased humanitarian support of the international community for Somalis, we have also witnessed the determination of the same affiliation to support the only unstable East African state stand on its feet.

Leading my argument is the military support from the right neighbors and fellow African states; Burundi, Uganda, Kenya and Ethiopia. To defend itself from the numerous terrorist groups operating in the war torn country Somalia National Army got military support from the deployed personnel and they have already managed to liberate many strategic centers from the Alga-eda subsidiary, the anti-stability and anti-statehood organization. Besides the aforementioned support I can’t also leave out the financial as well the logistical and technical support to the AMISOM troops by the European Union, the United Nations and the United States and their allies. 

Consequently, relative stability, peace and conspicuous development (both structural and institutional) have been realized in Somalia in the past few years. A number of Somalis have returned to Somalia bringing back capital and technical know-how to re-establish Somalia with a mindset of making it the leading economy in the region. In addition to the available labor and skills of the locals, importation of skilled human labor is doing a lot in re-energizing the country of about ten million with a higher portion still living in the diaspora mainly Kenya. To heat the harmer on the nail, Somalia, though in a slow pace, is re-gaining its position in the universe as Alex Chamwanda of Citizen TV once said in his news coverage from the second largest African city that there is some glamor of hope as the sound of the gun is being replaced by the sound of the harmer (Citizen TV, September 2013).    

The Assurance of the Third (time) or the Third for the Fourth (time)

Summing up this section is a theory I believe is reliable. I call it Assurance of the third or the third for the fourth Time. This is a simple theory and may be many of us have experienced it. In simple terms, I can state it as success, graduation (in varied forms) or perfection mostly comes in the third time of trial for a strongly intended person or the third time will give you the assurance for it coming on the fourth time.   It is an important rule of the thumb when it comes to observing calmness or being none violent, success for determination and right to executing one’s defense. Let me start this with an Islamic teaching that I knew since my childhood. Suppose someone is infringing on your personal safety and right (as a Muslim). If someone confronts for two consecutive times like you are slapped or boxed, it is a good habit to warn them against that in intervals between the first and the second times. What if the same action is repeated for the third time? Then Islam gives the right to defend yourself.  And that’s an example of the assurance of the third.

Secondly, when Prophet Mohamed S.A.W) got visited by angel Gabriel in the cave of Hira for the start of the revelation, he (S.A.W) could not recite after he was asked to read (by the name of Allah) by the angel for the two times until when he was shacked before the angel left him alone. Thereafter, it became easy for him (S.A.W). During my childhood, I used to hear about it from my mother after getting stuck while memorizing verse of the Quran. She would advise me to try for three times and it would be okay for me either in the third or the fourth time. Personally, I like the third time graduation or the strength and assurance one secures from it for the final needed outcome on the fourth time. 

In the arena of politics, most of the famous African politicians (among those I know), is the current president of Nigeria Buhari and the former president of kenya Mwai Kibaki.  I will use their political paths to power to bring the theory closer to be comprehended. Mwai Kibaki first ran for presidency in 1992 on his Democratic Party which he lost to the second president of Kenya; the dictator, Daniel Moi after becoming third candidate behind Keneth Matiba.

 Mwai did not lose his interest and ran again in 1997 when he again lost to the same Moi. I suppose, with a high confidence level, that the subsequent times have enabled him culture his political weapons and agenda and in 2002 under the strong political campaign of Kibaki tosha, he did succeed. Through acquired experience and consecutive trials, he was assured of a win in the third time.

Let’s now talk about the assurance of the third for the fourth. The sitting president of Nigeria also went through a similar political path; ran for presidency in 2003, 2007 and 2011. Successfully, he won in the 2015 November elections from Mr Jonathan.  

Basically what I am trying to allude to is the August 2016 general election in Somalia and the transition to the third legitimate president and the second full-fledged government (internationally recognized) are the test points we have.  It is either going to be the assurance of the third or the third for the fourth. What Somalia needs to realize is an operational government that is able to bring Somalis together. We need a government that can overcome internal rivals and stand on its institutions which are well instituted and managed. Regarding the theory we just discussed, I am properly convinced that we will use the assurance of the third for the fourth. Given that Somalia is far away from the assurance of the third (fully operational government) a third term of a reliable stability as we witnessed in the past two terms will automatically give Somalia the ability to put into office a powerful government in the fourth term; 2020-2024. The litmus paper we have is the August general election. If the August general election goes smoothly and the next government assumes office without dispute it is going to be the assurance of the third for the fourth. The next government, in fact with the continued support of the international community and the nationhood desires of the Somalis, will be able to breed the much awaited government with some form of self-reliance.    

What a Stable Somalia Means for North Eastern Kenya

Social Cohesion and Support

Somalis in the region will once again get connected to the strong and engulfing (as a shield against social problems) social fabric they once enjoyed. Before Somalia’s central government lead by the late Siyad Barre collapsed in 1991 the general Somali community was strong and powerful. It was easier for a Somali clan to resolve with another or get supported than it has been in the past two decades. There was a voice for all Somalis protecting us from external threats and social support was at our door steps. It was life better than this one we are living now.

The Bilateral Trade and Development Determiners

The second argument is about bilateral trade and its related benefits. Besides favored regions and areas, Kenya is known to develop regions that have economic value and can generate lamp sum of national revenue for the government. During Moi’s legislative period, the Rift Valley region was seen to be developing faster than other parts and this was preceded by a similar practice during Kenya’s first president from Central. In fact that has become a standing order for infrastructural development allocations.

 In Kenya, regions bordering the neighboring countries benefit from international trade with their counterpart to cater for their budget deficit.  The locals in those areas trade widely exchanging local produce with what comes from the other end, businesses are flourishing and profits are being made.  On the other hand, Kenya has provided infrastructural development to those areas some under the support of international institutions like World Bank and African Development Bank (ADB) or through joint funding. And the underlining reason; the government gets revenue from the investment it has done. 

 For instance, look at the super-highway that connects Kenya to Uganda and the LAPSET corridor project which will connect Kenya to South Sudan and Ethipioa after completion and the 505KM Isiolo-Marsabet-Moyale A2 road through the joint funding of the EU, ADB and the Kenya government bridging the Eastern region to the South of Ethiopia. Communities along these road networks have benefited a lot from the improved transport system in addition to the jobs created during the implementation of the said investments.   

Infrastructural development in the poor North Eastern Kenya has remained at zero. From the time Kenya acquired independence in 1963, a part from administrative infrastructures like telecommunication network, government offices and airports (the Wajir Airport built by an Israeli construction Company between 1977 and 1978, as a military airbase for the Kenya Airforce), there has been very little support we got till in 2012 when the US Navy Seabees built a new tarmac runway that can take heavy aircraft (Google) and that was during KIbaki’s second term; someone I refer to as Kenya’s best president so far. 

The national trunk road (the 744 Km B9) that connects Isiolo to Mandera through Modogashe and Wajir is as it was since June 1963 a part from some of its thick-gravel paved parts.  The same applies to the Garissa-Madoogashe (C81) that branch at Madokaare from the A3 Garissa-Dadaab road connecting Kenya to the sea port of Kismayo. Travelling from Nairobi to either Wajir or Mandera is walking barefoot in a thorny and narrow path for North Easterners. But poor they are and they have no options. Cargo vehicles take longer than expected to reach their destination, live safety ambulances make a hell for medically referred patients as they ‘cruise’ through pit holes and numerous un-designed turns they have to make to  avoid colliding with the huge trenches.

What if Somalia stabilizes? To benefit from the natural resources reach country, Kenya will have to construct the A3 road up to the Dadaab and possibility through the international donors the two countries can request for support to tarmac the entire A3 from, possibly, Dadaab. You can imagine the scale of the associated development that will come with that potential investment. Then to connect with the blooming markets in the areas around the Kenya, Eithiopia and Somalia borders at Mandera there will an inevitable need to tarmac the B9 road. In addition to that the B9 road will also give Kenya advantage over Ethiopia as it has a longer border with Somalia’s South Somalia agricultural center. 

Kenya will also have to revive its closed immigration office in Mandera. To enable the immigration function properly, of course, there will be offices of other government institutions established just like in Malaba Kenya.   We will have the likes of KRA and KEBS which will mostly likely create a formal environment for entrepreneurship. North Easterners will then benefit from the pool of neighboring markets in Jubaland State and affordable (due to the short delivery distance) and quality produce from the numerous farmlands. Many jobless Somalis will be able to redeem their monetary ability. The potential development will enable us tackle the three major food security aspects of availability, accessibility and stability. Then we will see the high prevalence rate of malnutrition and food insecurity reducing.    

Besides the major and low productive agro-pastoral livelihood of the Somalis in North Eastern, a few of the youths in Wajir are unemployed despite their valid qualifications.  Wajir today needs a different source of livelihood where this high number of skilled and semi-skilled youth can get either employed or get connected to the external world through trade.  To my perception, Wajir International airport can serve the purpose. Although the opening of the airport has not been launched, the civilian Kenya Airport Authority property in the semi-arid region serves a considerable number of business activities on transit to Nairobi from Mogadishu. In 2013 statistics by KAA the airport has served 82,440 passengers notwithstanding its status of being a transit airport.

 

 The plausible development by the time of Kenya’s ever best president has the power to connect North Eastern to the exterior world breeding jobs and business opportunities for the youth from the disasters-prone North East Kenya. But there is one major obstacle to this; insecurity inform of terrorism or spill-over of terrorism ideologies into Kenya. Back in 2006 during the Islamic Union Courts in Somalia, the Kenyan government suspended direct scheduled flights to Somalia owing to the fear of insecurity spilling over. It was only after the good job by the Somali Politicians and businessmen it was agreed that flights from Somalia to pass through the airport for customs, services and security screening purposes.

In stable Somalia, where there will be no security threats foreseen by the Kenyan government, I have no doubt the aviation field will be fully launched and open to the international world connecting North Eastern to the rest of the world.

 Improved Security

A stable Somalia with an operational and growing economy that is facing reduced levels of terrorism is going to be the breakthrough for northern Kenya to develop and prosper like other part of the east Africa’s largest economy. Besides the poor economic condition, insecurity is also a major setback to the progress our region would have been made. A vivid evidence for this is what we experienced in the 2015 terror attacks.  The Alga-eda affiliate group has been taking advantage of the long and porous border to get access to the towns of the Wajir, Mandera and Garissa to execute their mission. In all the primitive attacks, non-Somali Kenyans were targeted. We lost many Kenyans to their bullets! The subsequent terror missions in Kenya by Alshabab have put the lives of even the refugees in Dadaab into jeopardy to the scale that Kenya has resolved to close what has been the safe haven for the close to a million Somali immigrants.  Similarly, Kenya is also constructing a concrete wall along the close to 750km border with Somalia which  if there has to  be patrols for its sustainability will cost Kenya billions of shillings. 

Secondly, the fact that the safety and security of North Eastern Kenya has been vandalized by terrorist has made certain sectors almost collapse. Education, Health and construction sectors were most affected.  Non-Somali Kenyans who were lucky had fled for their lives. Many health facilities in the rural areas were turned into shelter for animals and the remaining staffs in the urban health facilities were overwhelmed.  Also schools faced a similar catastrophe; there was no learning in some of the centers for months.  Kenyans Somalis in NEP have been held firm squeezed between two hard blocks of almost equal powers.  They are attacked by both Alshaabab and Kenya police. A number of extra-judicial killings have been reported including the most terrifying mass grave discovered in Mandera. Similarly, Alshabab has also failed to execute a number of attempts to kill our leaders the likes of Mandera governor Mr.  Ali Roba in addition to the economic and social destruction a number of Somalis have encountered from terror attacks.   

With a sustainable security which can be feasible when Somalia stabilizes investment in North Eastern Kenya will be easy and the importation of skilled human labor to complement the few in NEP will be possible.  

Conclusion

North Eastern Kenya has been in the dark for a long time. People in this region have come through hard times and desperations. The region which was marginalized by its own government since independence is now known globally for being the least developed and advanced but things may not be same again. There is light at the end of the tunnel, there is brightness coming, there is hope.

A number of highly possible factors may enable the region to transform. Devolution is the main among them.  Somalis in North Eastern Kenya just like other Kenyans have been given the opportunity to rule themselves and manage their affairs. Following this landmark turning point in Kenya, the region is getting a proportional share of the national budget. It is billions leave alone the local revenue. It is a good beginning but it will also depend on how that money will be utilized.  If only the leaders in North Eastern Kenya can focus on essential needs of the people and design development effective and efficient response projects then North Eastern will turn out to be haven on earth. 

Secondly, I have a lot of hope in the developing political environment in Somalia. It is my prayer that Somalis will see the need to stabilize their country by listening to each other and understanding each other too, by compromising on insignificant issues like tribalism, nepotism and bride and lastly by creating and harboring confidence in the transition-to-stability efforts by their leaders.  Somalia has lost to the civil war and Somalis have to see this or else Somalis will become slaves in their own country under a foreign administration. 

With a stable Somalia a lot will change for Somalis in North Eastern Kenya. From bilateral trade, secured habitat, investments, social links, infrastructural development, jobs creation…….There will be numerous benefits that North Eastern will get. But it is a long way to go….about ten or two more terms of a stable government in Somalia.