Labor Exploitation in the South African Mining Industry
Introduction
This paper surveys the theme of exploitation of laborers in extractive industries, looking specifically at the mining industry in South Africa and how migrant miners there have organized against unfair working conditions. Finally, the paper gives suggestions on how coalition-building should be expanded upon in South Africa in order for labor groups of migrant workers (including miners) to achieve greater success in advancing social goals. Although there is an abundant amount of literature that confirms the positive impact coalition-building has on advancing a movement, current literature on the topic does not include strategy suggestions for coalition-building between union groups in the South African labor community.
Background of Extractive Industries
Extractive industries are widely understood to be industries that rely on taking, or extracting, raw materials from the earth. The primary examples of this industry include the oil and gas industry and the raw materials industry. Although these industries are globally responsible for immense levels of economic growth, they also are responsible for charging the environment and laborers with harmful costs of production. (United Nations Environment Programme 2020). Industries like mining are by nature disruptive to the environment. Consequences that can come as a result of mining include: soil and land depletion, water contamination, acid mine drainage, and air pollutants from the combustion of coal or other resources (Munick 2010). These environmental hazards are inevitably tied to the well-being of the population living around mining sites and also of the laborers working in and around the sites, making it an issue of environmental justice.
Mining is an important activity for extracting resources necessary for construction, electricity conduction, jewelry production, and energy generation. Because there are mined minerals and metals in just about everything, it is an industry that is necessary for the success of many other industries. The space that extractive industries takes up within the global economy is only estimated to grow in the future. Analyses of current growth trends in the global natural resource trade estimate that by 2050, the world will need 180 billion tons of natural resource material to meet global demand (United Nations Environment Programme 2020). This estimated growth is important to comprehend when thinking about miners’ rights and the role they have in both the South African and the global economy. The mining industry is split into formal and informal sectors and large-scale and small-scale sectors. The formal and large-scale sectors most often overlap, as do the informal and small-scale sectors. The formal sector is defined as all licensed mining operations that are overseen by companies and granted licenses in order to operate. Multinational Enterprises (MNEs) typically run these operations and maintain a large profitability (Eweje 2009).
In South Africa, the informal mining sector includes all operations that are not permitted by the government (Nhlengetwa 2018). These small- scale mining operations, which by definition have less than fifty workers on site, usually are characterized by lower levels of compliance to regulations and laws than formal operations due to the lack of the large company overseeing them (Mutemeri et. al 2002). Because of the under-the-law operating status of the informal mining sector, many operations within this sector do not comply with regulations regarding worker safety, fair pay, and benefits. The most egregious instances of labor trafficking, including holding of wages, are often reported in this informal sector, although there are instances of labor trafficking and abuse in both sectors.
Grievances and Goals
Despite these distinctions, corruption exists in all the various types of mining operations. The very nature of the industry which was built due to foreigners from more developed nations coming to less developed countries (LDCs) in order to extract and profit from the land’s resources is viewed by many as exploitative (Eweje 2009). Although the mineral wealth of a less developed country could and should be a positive characteristic that helps grow the country’s economy and uplifts its people, mineral wealth in LDCs is not often correlated with a growth in economic development for any given country (Eweje 2009).
Globally, mining work is regarded as blue-collar work that does not require extensive education. As a result, it is primarily a job that is taken on by people who have not attained a high level of education and people who are from lower socio-economic classes. In the United States, 2012 data from the Center for Disease Control estimated that for 64.7% of all miners, the highest level of educational attainment they had fulfilled was technical school, an associate’s degree, or some of a bachelor's degree. Furthermore, over 90% of all miners were White and over 90% were male (McWilliams et.al 2012). There is no similar demographic information available for South African miners, but one could assume demographic patterns are relatively similar. Due to the low level of education these workers typically have in South Africa, they often encounter these job opportunities through labor brokers that act as intermediaries between an employee and a mining company. Labor-brokering is a legal process in South Africa, although it has been tied to practices of human trafficking often due to the withholding of pay, coercing employment under false standards, or forced labor (Steele 2013). If a company uses labor brokers to recruit miners, they are effectually absolved from managing the pay, insurance, and well-being of employees—saving them money and time. Clearly, there are a host of labor-related injustices that miners in South Africa face. Whether it be the wage gaps that exist between black and white miners or the manipulation of miners by labor brokers, exploitation of labor is abundant in the industry.
In addition to labor-related injustices, miners face a host of environmental and health-related injustices through their work. The process of going into the earth in order to extract resources comes with many health risks. In the short-term, miners face daily airborne hazards like the inhalation of dust or toxins (International Labor Organization Content Manager 2011). Although the daily intake of toxins might not immediately result in any significant health changes, there is evidence for the potential fatality resulting from the accumulation of toxins. In addition, the nature of machinery used in mining work has been attributed to noise-induced hearing loss and spinal displacement. In an investigation of health conflicts for South African ex-mining workers, Kim Bloch et. al found that overall mortality for ex-miners was 20% higher than that of the general population and a likelihood of mortality that peaks in the first year after leaving the job, decreasing in years succeeding this (Block et. al 2018). Workplace hazards are frequent due to the underground nature of mining work. Rock falls, explosions, mobile equipment accidents, fires, or electrocution often occur while miners are working on site (Donoghue 2004).
These common characteristics of the mining industry point to the dangers that this kind of work poses to miners, which revolves around both the environmental and labor concerns that come with the job. The high probability of danger that is tied to the job can and should be reduced through regulation and greater supervision, which are a few of the very important things miners in unions continue to advocate for to this date.
South African Mining Background
It is helpful to first identify the main resources that are mined for in South Africa and how the export of these resources contributes to the country’s economy. Most of the discoveries of mining potential came out of the late nineteenth century, beginning with the 1850 discovery of South Africa’s first copper mine in the Northern Cape Province and followed by the discovery of the “Big Hole” diamond site in 1871. De Beers Diamond Company was founded by Cecil Rhodes in 1888, after the discovery of the “Big Hole”, which paved the way for European monopolization of mines (Casey 2019). Rhodes travelled to South Africa from the United Kingdom, with the intention of building an empire off of the natural resources of the country. Over one thousand black workers are believed to have died during mining or from diseases contracted during work in the De Beers Mine. Over five thousand black workers were admitted to a local hospital with diseases over the course of the mine’s existence (Casey 2019). Although diamond exports are vital to the South African economy, gold and platinum take up even a higher percentage of total exports. South Africa is home to the world’s largest gold resource called the Witwatersrand Basin. Gold has consistently been more than ? of South Africa’s exports since 1910, and is even heralded as the resource that propelled the country’s Industrial Revolution (Wilson). Platinum mining began upon the discovery of the first deposit in South Africa in 1924, and consumed a majority of the mining activity in the country Post World War I. These platinum mines have accounted for more than ? of the world's total platinum since commercial operations commenced.
These numbers point to the significance of the mining industry to the South African economy and the prevalence of European influences in setting up the large mining industry in South Africa as it stands today. It is important to note the scope of the industry in order to properly assess the institutional challenges that union workers and activists face in protesting and mobilizing to express their grievances. Furthermore, it is valuable to know the historical background behind mine ownership in order to better understand the exploitative practices that exist in mines today that are residual effects from colonial forces.
Opposition
Due to the large mining industry in South Africa, there is a robust history of policy and organizing surrounding the laborers who work in these mines. Just as the organization of miners is important to analyze, the organization of anti-union and pro-corporation groups is also important to understand. One of the largest opponents to the mining unions and workers is the Chamber of Mines, an organization of mine owners focused on shaping “hiring and wage polic[ies] for the [mining] sector” (Lucas 1985). The Chamber of Mines, which in the last year has changed its organizational name to Minerals Council South Africa, is comprised of multiple large mining corporations that have operations in South Africa.
In 1889 the Chamber of Mines organized the black labor force and monopolized the hiring process for mining work. This effectively ensured that real wages for black labor force workers did not have the potential to rise. The Chamber gave Black workers limited time contracts for mining work, which saved the stable jobs for white workers and discouraged Black workers from bringing their families to live near their temporary mining sites. The creation of these temporary, limited-time jobs resulted in the categorization of Black workers as “oscillating migrant workers” (Wilson 2009). Because these workers would hold temporary work positions and move from place-to-place, this policy resulted in economic depressions for many of the areas miners used to call home, as there was less investment and economic activity going on in these places. The Chamber of Mines even faced backlash from white mining workers. The White mining workers’ trade union was recognized in 1913, and this formal recognition to organize resulted in an emergence of protests against the Chamber of Mines led by these workers. In both 1913 and 1914, protests by white miners were met by troops deployed by the Chamber. (Lowe and Hall 2020). The Industrial Conciliation Act was passed in 1924 as a way for the state to reconcile the frequent conflicts that occurred between the Chamber and white workers, although this did not pertain to black miners.
Several pieces of legislation were passed by the Chamber in the early to mid-twentieth century, including the 1911 Mines and Works Act, the Natives’ Land Act of 1913, and the Native Urban Areas Act of 1923. These acts, respectively, served to prioritize the work of white miners above that of black miners through reserving jobs for only white workers, to prohibit black workers from buying or leasing land outside of reservations, and other segregationist controls (Lowe and Hall 2020). In addition to the inflation as a result of war activity, these acts angered workers and motivated them to mobilize. As a result, new Black activist political groups emerged during this time. The most prominent of these resistance groups were the Industrial and Commercial Workers Union (ICU) and the Industrial Workers of the World- South Africa (IWA). These two groups worked closely together, eventually merging under the ICU, which was then built upon by the Communist Party of South Africa in 1925 (New Frame 2019). Later, when Black laborers would gain the right to unionize, the unions would become the primary body of resistance for miners.
Despite these unjust acts and the resistance that emerged to them, both black and white miners continued to work in order to meet the growing demand of mined materials. From the end of World War One to the early seventies, mining production grew between 5 and 6 percent annually and employment in mining outgrew population growth and per capita income growth (Wilson 2001).
Resistance and Strategy
The rise in manufacturing during the second world war resulted in a 60% increase in the amount of people employed in mining industries-- by 1946, 158,000 people were employed in the South African mining industry. In that same year, the African Mineworkers Union went on a historically significant strike. 60,000 workers left their tools to demand higher wages from the Transvaal Chamber of Mines before the police intervened, killing twelve miners, thereby “establishing a long-term conflict between mining unions and government forces that would be a feature of the sector in years to come” (Casey 2019). This strike largely represented the grievances of Black miners surrounding the inability of mining employers to grant employees the obligations (adequate food, reasonable pay) that lie in the moral economy, a word that is defined to encapsulate the mutually agreed upon terms in a political relationship (Moody 1986). Moody argues that the rise in protests in 1946 was a result of union sentimentality and indigenous workers’ activism. The massive uprising, though, created more headaches for laborers than victories. Twenty years later, in 1969, wages for Black miners were the same as 1911 levels, signaling a lack of progress for the advancement of black laborers and an even more tense relationship between mining unions, the Chamber, and government forces (Moody 1986).
Apartheid and the Mining Industry
South Africa is an interesting country to look at as a case study for trafficking in the extractive mining industry because of the country’s history of conflict both in its early years, and in more recent decades. The Apartheid era (1948-1991) best illustrates the later source of conflict in the country. Although Apartheid is most commonly understood as a conflict that arose due to racially discriminatory beliefs, many scholars have attributed it to a more economized struggle rooted in the mining industry. The relative increase in rights for mining workers in the seventies was quickly halted by calculated Apartheid policies that served to disrupt this increase in rights.
Scholar Harold Wolpe, in his seminal study about the origins of apartheid, discounts the idea that Apartheid was simply a result of discrimination and segregation. Wolpe acknowledges South African economic reliance on below market price migrant-labour, which was challenged in the sixties. Apartheid, he argues, emerged as an attempt to return to the methods of exploitation of migrant labour. Although the issues of race and segregation clearly intersect with migrant labor exploitation, the former issues were used to mask the more calculated attempt at furthering the latter goal. Wolpe further asserts that Apartheid “ [was] the attempt of the capitalist class to meet the expanding demand for cheap African labour in the era of industrial manufacturing capital; at the same time it is the realization of the demand of White workers for protection against the resulting increased competition from Black Workers” (Wolpe 1972).
Scholar Francis Wilson talks about a few factors that fueled the economic impetus for Apartheid. DeBeers, in 1973, decided to end the migrant labor system for the diamond industry in South Africa. As a result of this action, more South African Black citizens were being employed than migrant laborers coming from Mozambique or Malawi. At the same time, there was an abolition of pass laws-- the laws which were central to the forced oscillating migrant labor system. This allowed black miners a new wave of freedom to work and live wherever they chose to live, regardless of mining site location. Furthermore, there was a reduction of jobs for miners that lived outside of South Africa and more jobs for Black South African citizens. In efforts to prevent the high turnover rate of black South Africans in the workforce, the Chamber of Mines started raising the wages of nonwhites after 1971. Still, though, miners were not satisfied with the segregated working conditions and inequalities that remained in the industry.
Inspired by the mobilization of textile workers and strikes by other Black workers in manufacturing sectors starting in 1972, mining workers rose up in activism. During this time, textile workers and other Black workers were speaking out about unfair wage gaps within their industry, an example of coalition building. A “new phase of resistance” emerged with the creation of the Black Peoples Convention in 1972 and the increase in protests at the time (Encyclopedia Brittanica 2020). Within the first three months of 1973, The Minister of Labour reported a total of 160 unofficial strikes of Black South African workers of all kinds: textile workers, sugar workers, paper mill workers, and transport workers (Kooy 1974). The immediate and residual impact of these strikes affected around 146 institutions and companies. As a result of these groups’ mobilizations, there was a widespread 15 to 18 percent wage increase across the various kinds of labor workers, though this increase still resulted in lower wages than that of White South African workers. Up until 1978, as a result of this protesting and mobilizing, the wages of over 500,000 Black South African miners tripled in real value (Lucas 1985). In the midst of this success, Black mining workers finally received the right to unionize and present themselves in an industrial court in 1980, 67 years after white miners received the same right. This marked the creation of the National Union of Mineworkers (NAMU).
Status of Current Labor Unions
Currently, the largest mining union in South Africa is no longer NAMU, but is the Association of Mineworkers and Construction Union (AMCU). This controversial group, which is regarded as more radical than NAMU, has been accused by the African National Congress of being a militant group. This past April, the labor registrar expressed an intent to de-register the group for an accused violation of rules (Reuters 2019). NAMU and AMCU, though both mining unions, are regarded as rival groups that do not get along (Ngcuka 2019). NAMU is more closely aligned with the African National Congress party in governance, while AMCU operates more so against the government rather than with the government.
It is important to analyze the current status of miners’ rights with the history of South African mining movements in mind. Although there have been numerous wins for Black South African miners, the country of South Africa continues to shake in the aftermath of Apartheid and years of segregation. The 2012 Marikana Massacre, where South African police shot and killed 34 protesting platinum mine workers, is evidence that the struggle for justice for South African miners is far from over (Davies 2015). In March of 2016, an anti-mining industry activist was brutally murdered after receiving death threats, and this is far from an isolated instance of random deaths of prominent anti-mining industry activists. Peaceful protests from miners in the last few years have been met with South African police violence (Human Rights Watch 2019). There are still accusations of illegal and unfair treatment of miners that are made daily. Many protests in the last decade have been about the numerous factors which result in increased fatality of miners, namely the lack of oversight and regulation in mining sites (Lafranire 2007).
In addition, the health effects of mining, which disproportionately impact those unable to afford healthcare, are still potently felt in the Black community. From a larger perspective, the consequences of Apartheid policies continue to live out through massive income inequality and poverty, which laborers try to disrupt through wage protests. But within the overarching category of mining workers, there are different needs that laborers want to be met. This ranges from issues regarding protecting women miners, implementing better supervision in mining sites, and reducing the hours of mining work required of laborers.
While these needs of miners vary, they all seem to fall under two categories: labor rights (safety and wages) and health/environmental rights (protection from hazards). In order to advance both the labor rights and health rights of South African miners, there must be a two-fold approach to mobilization. Within the larger scope of environmental social movements, it is widely known that coalition- building amongst different parties with overlapping interests is an effective strategy for growth and movement advancement. Examples of this effective coalition-building strategy include the Oakland Climate Action Coalition (Mendez 2010).
Patterns of social movements in South Africa more specifically also point to the effectiveness of coalition-building in advancing movement goals. South African civil society organizations rooted in varying causes from gender-equality, to LGBTQIA rights, to religious rights, have seen greater success in accruing rights when joining together in a coalition (McKinley 2014). Scholars Mark Harcourt and Geoffery Wood hypothesize that if South African unions formed some sort of pact, or labor accord, with the African National Congress, the unions would experience more rapid growth of their goals in addition to labor reform that transcends social and cultural norms (Harcourt and Wood 2003). A successful labor accord between the ANC and the two largest mining unions, NAMU and AMCU, would have significant consequences for miners within both movements.
Coalition- Building Strategy
In order to facilitate a successful labor accord with the ruling government party, NAMU and AMCU need to band together in order to mutually work and advance the rights of laborers. Scholars define the parameters of general union success to include similar orientation of workers, a uniform conceptualization of goals, an effective organizational structure (Buhlungu et. al 2008). In order to keep advancing the rights of miners, political barriers between unions must first be broken down. Next, miners in unions need to express the goals of their organizing and what they want to change in their industry. Finally, there needs to be an effective way of communicating these grievances to the ANC in order to increase the likelihood of success.
Breaking down the political barriers between groups can be done through frame-bridging, a coalition-building strategy that emphasizes the shared goals and missions between groups rather than the differences between groups. Frame-bridging can be achieved through the acknowledgement of shared grievances and mutual interests (Snow 2013). In this present time, it is clear that many recent union protests have been driven by two main grievances- labor injustices for miners and environmental injustices for miners. Frame-bridging between NAMU and AMCU should capitalize on these two main grievances. Though these two unions have different viewpoints of the government and how to bring about change, they both have members that want an advancement of their rights as miners. This similarity should be built upon by pursuing an accord that addresses the needs of both groups and their constituents.
NAMU and AMCU need to join in order to create a list of requirements for site safety. This could include requirements for specific site supervisor check-ins, equipment maintenance, and shorter shift hours. These unions should also call on the help of other labor unions in South Africa, like textile unions, in order to reaffirm the importance of worker breaks in increasing efficiency and regular equipment checks in increasing productivity. The coalition-building that could take place here is not just between the two main mining unions, but also across other kinds of South African labor unions that share similar problems and injustices within their own industry. In order to address the environmental hazards that many laborers have protested against, NAMU and AMCU need to present scientific evidence and statistics regarding the prevalence of respiratory diseases, workplace accidents, hearing loss, spine displacement, and the numerous other negative health impacts that can result from working in mines. Finally, part of the labor accord between these two unions and the ANC should advocate for the establishment of an anti-trafficking committee that works to police and prevent instances of trafficking by labor brokers in the mining industry. The unions should present anecdotal evidence of being exploited or misled by a labor broker as testimony for the furtive and illegal practices that often happen in exchanges where labor brokers are involved. Fighting for a provision to prevent labor-brokering abuses in mining employment would greatly reduce the instances of human trafficking in the industry.
Miners are the backbone of the South African economy. As such, they must be protected by the government against the abuses of the extractive industry and the inequalities that remain from years of Apartheid and segregation. Although the two predominant mining unions in South Africa have slightly different political leanings, they must work together in order to present a united front and coherent argument for the advancement of miners’ rights to the African National Congress.
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