I Am Haitian. I Am American: Embracing the Full Potential of Haiti's Diverse Diaspora

Haiti's new transitional government has initiated a process toward national dialogue, constitutional reform, and eventual elections. While this presents an opportunity for broader participation, the government's stance on diaspora involvement, at best, remains unclear. Opposition to our inclusion has already emerged, with some advocating that we should on focus on investments rather than civil rights. Such a narrow perspective is shortsighted but it is also an attempt to maintain the status quo of exclusion.

I experienced this up close. In 2010, I left my job in the U.S. and moved back to Haiti. I spent 10 years working and traveling across the country. What I saw was a country deeply divided. I encountered people who lived in Haiti but whose entire lives through generations were on the margins of society. Others worked and sent their children to schools in the Dominican Republic. They had little to no interactions with the Haitian state. They had no access to roads, clean water, electricity, schools, health clinics, police stations, or courts. As citizens, their rights as well as ours are inalienable, and we must not accept our continued marginalization.

A Diverse Diaspora: Old and New Arrivals

Some people have begun to argue that the right to vote—a fundamental civil right—is less important to the diaspora. They contend that we should focus solely on investing in Haiti. They suggest that because we live outside the country we do not understand its problems and thus do not deserve the right to vote. This perspective is not only shortsighted economically but also fundamentally flawed when considering what is needed for nation-building. Civil rights, including the right to security, public education, a fair trial, and the right to vote, are prerequisites for meaningful economic participation and the cornerstone of a thriving society. The denial of these rights to Haitians abroad mirrors the historical marginalization of rural Haitians, reflecting a broader pattern of exclusion that has hindered Haiti's progress for all of its 219 years of existence.

Consider the data: The Haitian diaspora is 1.2 million strong in the U.S. alone and has grown with the recent arrival of Haitians fleeing insecurity. Recent data from U.S. Customs and Border Protection (CBP) shows that more than 205,026?Haitians were paroled to the United States through the CHNV program (also known as the Biden program) as of June 2024. This is in addition to the more than 200,000 Haitians who are in the Temporary Protected Status (TPS) program. The diaspora contributed $4.25 billion in remittances in 2023—a significant portion of Haiti’s 19.85 billion GDP. Yet, our full potential remains untapped due to limited engagement and representation.

The Dilemma of the "Insider Outside": Historical Context and Persistent Divisions

Given our significant size and impact, the debate over the Haitian diaspora's role in Haiti's future is crucial. With Haiti at a crossroads, it's clear that we need all available ideas and expertise, regardless of their geographical origin. Let me be blunt. Haiti cannot develop without the diaspora's investments but also its diverse skills. However, our engagement is complicated by Haiti's complex history of social exclusion, which many of us carried to our adopted homes. This history is marked by deeply entrenched societal divisions, first created by French colonizers to maintain power over the enslaved population. Anthropologist Gérard Barthélemy's "Le Pays en Dehors" documented the historical distinctions among mulattos, affranchis, Creole slaves, and bossales. These disparate groups came together to fight for independence but their diverse needs were never fully integrated into a cohesive post-independence social contract.

Fast forward 100 years later, these divisions were further exacerbated by U.S. occupation , which imposed a caste system based on skin color and economics. Today, this system persists, with descendants of mulattos and Levantines controlling all industries, affranchis dominating politics, and the masses bearing the brunt of this stratification.

We are all Haitians but these historical cleavages, coupled with ongoing political turmoil, have fostered an expectation that the diaspora should defer to those within Haiti, despite our shared heritage. This perspective overlooks the potential contributions of the diaspora and perpetuates the very divisions that have hindered Haiti's progress.

Grès Kochon Kwit Kochon (Asset-based Development)

The current government's decision to merge MHAVE (Ministry of Haitians Living Abroad) with MAE (Ministry of Foreign Affairs) is a strategic error that signal a view that the diaspora was not worthy to be at the table. It makes no sense to ask MAE's minister to represent the diaspora. And the people who are being considered to serve as Director General show the same modus operadi of using MHAVE as a place to pay back political favors and then claim that the ministry is ineffective. Moreover, MAE's primary focus must be on strengthening Haiti's international relationships, particularly with the US, UN, and Kenya, to address immediate security concerns. Yet, Haiti's long-term security and stability rely on massive job creation, which requires major investments. But unlike the post-2010 earthquake period, there will not be billions in foreign aid. There also won't be international investors either because Haiti is too risky – evidenced by the stark contrast in foreign direct investment of $24.8 Million in Haiti compared to $24.3 Billion for the Dominican Republic last year) – the diaspora remains the last potential source of investment and expertise. ?

A standalone and reinforced MHAVE could have effectively engaged the diaspora. As I proposed in my article, Reimagining the Haitian Diaspora's Role in Haiti's Future , appointing a diaspora member as MHAVE minister would signal a commitment to diaspora inclusion. This ministry could lead initiatives to attract Diaspora Direct Investment (DDI), while ensuring our perspectives are integrated into national policies and economic strategies. For instance, MHAVE could spearhead a diaspora-funded security initiative to support Haiti's police and military, overseen by the National Security Council, which is required to include diaspora representatives as per the April 3rd agreement. Unfortunately, the Transitional Presidential Council is not respecting the Accord that brought it to power.

Moreover, appointing a respected diaspora member to lead the National Education Fund would demonstrate the government's commitment to leveraging diaspora expertise and using its resources rationally. Transparency in managing diaspora contributions, such as the $1.50 fee on transfers and a charge of 5 cents a minute on international calls to Haiti, would build trust and encourage further engagement. To demonstrate its good faith, the government should reverse its decision to merge MHAVE with MAE. This action would show a genuine commitment to harnessing the diaspora's potential for Haiti's development.

Addressing the Counter-Arguments

The notion that diaspora participation should be limited to investment is fundamentally flawed. While economic contributions are crucial, they cannot substitute for full civic engagement. Our rights as Haitians, including the right to vote and participate in governance, are inalienable and should not depend on geographic location.

Arguments against diaspora participation often claim that physical presence is necessary for meaningful engagement. This is faulty reasoning. History has shown that even within Haiti, understanding of local issues varies widely. For example, until two years ago, residents of Delmas and Petion-Ville had no idea about the priorities of those living in Cite Soleil or Village de Dieu, two neighborhoods that have borne the brunt of Haiti’s gang wars. For the past 219 years, those living in Haiti’s rural communities have argued that the urban centers, especially the capital, do not understand their problems.

The diaspora is not asking to vote for the deputy representing a local commune. Instead, we are demanding representation for the diaspora in parliament. In my article, Anticipating and Seizing the Moment: 6 Key Demands for the Haitian Diaspora , I documented how Countries like the Dominican Republic have provided for seven members of parliament are elected by Dominicans living abroad . Another example is France, which has successfully integrated diaspora representatives into their parliaments, enhancing diverse perspectives and fostering inclusivity. We can find other examples in Africa as well as Latin America. The irony is that as a Haitian-American, I can vote in U.S. elections wherever I am. However, the country of my birth has excluded me while at the time asking me to come and invest.

Finally, the argument that the current constitution precludes diaspora participation overlooks the opportunity presented by the constitutional reform process that is about to start. We must demand full inclusion of the diaspora in Haiti's political life. Our participation, as Haitian citizens, is not a privilege but a right. We must work tirelessly to ensure that our rights are permanently enshrined in the country's constitution. As the Olympic Games start, Haiti is proud of those hyphenated Haitians representing it on the world stage. Haiti is always proud of our achievements but rejects us when we ask to be included.

A Vision for Haiti: A Diaspora-Driven Renaissance

I am Haitian. I am American. This dual identity fuels my vision for a Haiti where our collective voice, whether in Haiti or abroad, shapes national development. Imagine a Haiti where Miragoane, the City of Muscadin, transforms into a thriving tech hub, powered by diaspora investments and knowledge. Envision tourists flocking to Kabik and Fort Liberté, drawn by the vibrant culture and beautiful beaches, promoted through diaspora-led marketing. Picture diaspora doctors and educators revitalizing healthcare and schools in Mirebalais, and tech-savvy members bridging the digital divide in Anse-à-Galets.

This future means a Diaspora Direct Investment (DDI) fund to finance ambitious projects across the country. Envision new roads connecting remote villages, reliable solar electricity lighting up homes and communities, and modern industrial parks creating thousands of jobs. Imagine having cohesive industrial policies that can transform Savane Diane's fertile lands into vast fields of crops and profitable agro-businesses.

My aspiration is rooted in the belief that respecting and upholding the civil rights of all Haitians, including the diaspora and our often-overlooked rural compatriots, is paramount. While some may try to marginalize us, those of us in the diaspora and Haiti's rural sections are essential to Haiti's rebirth. By working together and protecting every Haitian's civil rights, we can turn this vision into a reality. This isn't just a vision; it's a future I'm committed to building with fellow Haitians, both at home and abroad. The rights—to vote, participate in political processes, and have our voices heard—are the foundation for the inclusive and prosperous Haiti we all dream about.