Hybrid Warfare in Argentina: “lawfare”, spies and the Invasion from the inside

Roberto Mauro da Silva da Silva Fernandes. Affiliated Researcher at the Center for Brazilian Studies at the University of Oklahoma; Associate Researcher at Geolab Institute; Professor at the State University of Minas Gerais. E-mail: [email protected]

Introduction

?

According to Korybko (2015), Hybrid Warfare is the new model of warfare carried out by the United States in the 21st century, which uses the combination of two instruments to invade, conquer and control territories of states considered enemies: 1) “color revolutions” and 2) unconventional wars. These are indirect approaches to promoting conflict.

However, in Latin America, Korybko's classic formulation, hybrid warfare, takes place on institutional grounds, that is, in parliaments and/or the Judiciary (PENIDO and STéDILE, 2021, p. 78). These are regime changes that occurred, in particular, commanded by parliament and/or with the support of investigative operations under the management of magistrates, based on legal procedures and that culminated in impeachment proceedings. Events that were recorded in Honduras (2009), Paraguay (2012), Brazil (2016) and Peru (2020) (FERNANDES, 2022; FERNANDES, 2021, IMG, 2023).

Thus, according to Penido, A.; Stédile, M. E. (2021), Hybrid warfare on the continent occurs through the so-called lawfare, a mechanism or strategy for deposing governments that uses the law to achieve military objectives, more specifically, it is the judicialization of politics or the politicization of the judiciary to destroy the adversary. To this end, its operators make use of violations of judicial rites [...] such as violation of judicial rite, abuse of authority, absence or waiver of evidence and, also, extensive use of “indirect evidence”, in which judicial interpretation is “direct evidence” (PENIDO and STéDILE, M. E., 2021, p. 79).

In this article, we will reflect on how the United States attacked Argentine territory through “lawfare”. The attack was led by the judicial branch of the Province of Buenos Aires, which, through the “Case of the Notebooks”, prosecuted politicians from the Justicialist Party (PJ) and sectors of the progressive press, as well as being responsible for the conviction of Vice President (and Senator of the Republic) Cristina Kirschner, who was prevented from running in the 2023 election. The process was supported by the Argentine mainstream media, through the Clarín Group, the Argentine intelligence agency and external agents directly linked to the United States.

What happened in Argentina is very similar to the recent political processes in Brazil, specifically, regarding the “Operation Lava Jato”, the rise of former judge Mouro interfering in party politics, the impeachment of Dilma and the arrest of Luís Inácio Lula da Silva in 2018 (which prevented him from running in the presidential elections and “paved the way” for Jair Messias Bolsonaro's victory in the election). The recent events in Brazil had direct and indirect interference from the judiciary, Grupo Globo and the United States (FERNANDES, 2022; FERNANDES, 2021, FERNANDES, 2019).

?

Details of an invasion

?

a)???? The “Case of the Notebooks”

?

In Argentina, the Hybrid Warfare tactics are somewhat “similar” to the Brazilian case. Although there was no set of demonstrations (the “color revolution”) against the Alberto Fernández government that would have incited a turnaround that would have led to impeachment or contributed to increasing the president’s unpopularity, on Argentine soil the judicial system directly interfered in the political scene by convicting Vice President Cristina Kirchner, preventing her from running in the 2023 elections, based on a criminal investigation operation called the “Case of the Notebooks”, the Argentine Lava Jato Operation[1].

In December 2022, the then Vice President of Argentina and Senator of the Republic was sentenced to six years in prison by the Court of Comodoro Py (headquarters of federal judges in the Province of Buenos Aires), making her ineligible for office indefinitely and unable to hold public office. According to the Argentine judiciary, the punishment was due to fraudulent administration.

The conviction is the result of an investigation process that became known as the “Case of the Notebooks”, which involves alleged “payments” to Cristina Kirchner from major businessmen to obtain public works contracts during her governments and that of her ex-husband Néstor Kirchner between 2005 and 2015. The scandal made headlines in 2018, and prosecutors based their case on notes recorded in eight school notebooks handed over to the court by Oscar Centeno, a former driver for the Ministry of Planning (El PAíS, 2018).

According to Oscar Centeno's plea bargain, he was the one who collected the bribe bags and delivered the money collected weekly for ten years to the Kirchner family. The former driver allegedly wrote down dates, payment times, vehicle license plates, names, addresses and amounts; he estimates that he transported US$56 million in cash. Allegedly, more than twenty companies participated in the corruption network. As a result of the investigations, a series of arrests were made, especially of the businessmen involved in the scheme, who corroborated Centeno's information through plea bargains. Federal judge Claudio Bonadio was in charge of the case (G1, 2018).

Throughout 2019, former President Cristina Kirchner repeatedly made public statements claiming that there was a lawfare strategy underway against her, through the “Case of the Notebooks” operation (created to incriminate her and other individuals who opposed the government of Mauricio Macri), with evident participation of the judicial system and the main mainstream media outlets in Argentina and the United States, through its embassy (LONO, 2019; FARINELLI, 2019; NORTON, 2022). Such statements were a reference to the so-called “D’Alessiogate”.

?

b)??? “D’Alessiogate”

?

But what was “D’Alessiogate” after all? It was the scandal that demonstrated to Argentine society the existence of an international network that invented false crimes, through the “Case of the Notebooks” to incriminate and make Cristina Kirchner ineligible for office. The network was formed by Judge Claudio Bonadio (in charge of the “Case of the Notebooks”); federal prosecutor Carlos Stornelli; media outlets and journalists from the Clarín Group; former President Mauricio Macri’s Minister of Security, Patricia Bullrich; the DEA (United States Drug Enforcement Agency); the Argentine intelligence agency, “Agência Federal de Inteligência” (AFI) and the CIA (NORTON, 2022; BARTOLI, 2022; MADSEN, 2019; DUPLO EXPRESSO, 2019; FARINELLI, 2019; VERBITSKY, 2019). The conviction of the former president paved the way for the election of Javier Milei (the Bolsonaro of the United States in Argentina).

The farce of the “Cases of the Notebooks” and the international network created to influence Argentine politics was uncovered when Argentine businessman Pedro Etchebest filed a complaint in March 2019 with Judge Alejo Ramos Padilla – of the Judicial Department of Dolores/Buenos Aires – about an extortion lawsuit that was being carried out against him by a man named Marcelo D’Alessio (this is the reason for the expression “D’Alessiogate”). The businessman was approached by D’Alessio – who identified himself as an intelligence spy and regional director of the DEA in Argentina – and asked for a sum of three hundred thousand dollars to be acquitted of the charges of his involvement in the “Cases of the Notebooks” (FARINELLI, 2019; VERBITSKY, 2019, Bartoli, 2022).

Pedro Etchebest did not have the money, much less did he participate in the alleged government bribery scheme, so he decided to gather evidence against Marcelo D’Alessio and his partner, federal prosecutor Carlos Stornelli, who worked in the court of Judge Claudio Bonadio, the magistrate responsible for the “Cases of the Notebooks”, in which former president Cristina Kirchner was being investigated. The businessman arranged a meeting with D’Alessio and Stornelli in January 2019, at a club in the Pinamar resort:

?

“[...] and it was on this occasion that Etchebest obtained most of the records that he presented as evidence to accuse them of extortion. The businessman [...] claims that the prosecutor and his partner said that his name was on the list of those who had paid alleged bribes to the Kirchner family in exchange for contracts with the State that benefited him, and that they soon tried to ‘sell’ him the possibility of declaring himself a “repentant witness” (legal figure similar to “plea bargaining” in Brazil), and could be released or have his sentence reduced, ‘if his version was consistent’” (FARINELLI, 2019).

?

Pedro Etchebest handed over to Judge Alejo Ramos Padilla “[...] twenty-four digital files, screenshots, photographs and a pendrive with all the recorded threats and testimonies he was able to collect. The judge took his testimony for four and a half hours [...]" (BARTOLI, 2022).

The investigations revealed a set of arrangements that linked direct interference by the United States in the judicial system and party politics in Argentina, as well as the plan for a coup d'état, involving secret operations financed by drug trafficking, under the responsibility of the DEA, CIA and Mossad and the involvement of key sectors of the Argentine State (Madsen, 2019).

?

c)???? ?Revelations: espionage, coups, drug trafficking and geopolitics

?

Judge Ramos Padilha discovered the relationship between the Trump administration and Mauricio Macri, the connection created an international extortion network of millions of dollars extorted from opposition politicians and businessmen to finance a coup in Uruguay and sabotage Venezuelan state-owned companies, as well as secret international espionage operations, the Mossad was involved in the articulation. The investigations also showed that Marcelo D'Alessio worked for the CIA, in his possession were found letterheaded documents from the US embassy in Buenos Aires and the Israeli Ministry of Defense, CIA manuals (whose content dealt with the modus operandi to infiltrate US agents in Venezuela and Argentina) and drones (MADSEN, 2019).

Eduardo Jorge Vior emphasizes that D’Alessio was also a DEA spy and that in addition to being an informant, he managed negotiations involving cocaine trafficking, which in turn generated the “secret budget” to support the “Case of the Notebooks”, that is, to finance blackmail operations and the scheme of plea bargains in exchange for payments, in which the objective was to accuse those who were against the judiciary, who were forced to report progressive politicians (DUPLO EXPRESSO, 2019).

Furthermore, Judge Ramos Padilha also found that the extortion operations yielded approximately US$12 million in bribes paid to Stornelli, who conducted the operations under orders from then-Security Minister Patricia Bullrich. D’Alessio exchanged numerous messages with the minister and they frequently held meetings; he reported directly to Bullrich and received guidance from high-ranking government officials, companies, and sectors with important ties to the Macri government. It was also discovered that anti-Macri journalists and Vice President and Senator Cristina Fernández de Kirchner were targets of the operation (MADSEN, 2019; RADIO CAPITAL 913, 2022).

Another extremely important element was the participation of the mainstream media. The Clarín Group regularly published notes on the “Case of the Notebooks”, naming names and ratifying the actions; the link between D’Alessio and the newspaper was reporter Daniel Santoro. The information was selected and surgically published in the press, and open media outlets allowed D’Alessio to appear on radio and television programs, thus presenting himself as a lawyer and service provider for government agencies (FARINELLI, 2019; RADIO CAPITAL 913, 2022). Very similar to the Brazilian case, in Brazil, Judge Sergio Moro forwarded confidential information from the investigations to Globo Group news outlets, which released it to the general public (FERNANDES, 2019).

In this way, “D’Alessiogate” is the network that created and articulated the process that culminated in the conviction of Cristina Kirchner, which in Argentina is known as the “Case of the Notebooks”, an operation to interfere in the country’s politics and which had tentacles in the operations of the Israeli Mossad, members of the Trump administration and Brazil (especially sectors of the Bolsonaro administration). Furthermore, the accusations against former president Cristina Kirchner were made based on photocopies of pages from school notebooks; the courts never presented the originals (Farinelli, 2019; Duplo Expresso, 2019).

Investigations related to the “D’Alessiogate” case revealed that in addition to promoting a coup against progressive sectors in Argentina, the network was involved in the attempted assassination of Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro in 2015[2] and articulating operations to destabilize the government of Uruguayan President Tabaré Vázquez of the “Frente Amplio de Uruguay”, through the CIA, Mossad, AFI and agents of the Bolsonaro government, the ultimate goal being a coup d’état:

?

The Argentine/CIA/Israeli operation against Uruguay centered on an attempt to smear the leftist “Frente Amplio de Uruguay” government of President Tabaré Vázquez with a false link to an Iranian trade mission operating in Uruguay [...] The false Iran link was used as a predicate for Argentina to launch an illegal surveillance operation against Frente Amplio politicians, including President Vázquez, former President José “Pepe” Mujica, and Mujica’s wife, current Vice President Lucía Topolansky.

There were false allegations in the files kept by d’Alessio that the Iranian trade mission in Uruguay was engaged in business with Argentina through a Russian shell company. The false information was apparently provided by Israel’s Mossad (MADSEN, 2019).

According to Romulus Maya, the aforementioned international network and articulation is part of the United States' strategic geopolitical and geoeconomic actions in the La Plata Basin, especially in the Mercosur countries. Controlling the La Plata countries is of utmost importance for the United States' confrontation with China, and means having control over global soybean production, especially because the Chinese government needs the commodity to feed its population and to meet the demand of poultry and pig producers, etc., that is, the food industry in general. Thus, having power over soybean production in Brazil, Argentina and Paraguay would mean controlling almost 80% of global production. In this way, China would be in the hands of the United States in terms of purchasing soybeans. In other words, the United States would use hunger as a weapon of war against China[3] (DUPLO EXPRESSO, 2019).

On the other hand, the United States – through the CIA, DEA and Mossad – has an interest in controlling cocaine trafficking in the La Plata Basin. According to Eduardo Jorge Vior, control of the Argentine territory and government system is essential because it guarantees the CIA, DEA and Mossad control over the logistics of cocaine distribution. The profits from cocaine trafficking carried out by these agencies are used to finance secret espionage operations and coups d'état (DUPLO EXPRESSO, 2019b).

Jorge Vior also explains that Colombia is the main hub of the US domination structure via drug trafficking. From this country, cocaine is distributed via the Western Amazon (this is one of the reasons for the attempted coup against Maduro in Venezuela). The route between the Andes and the Amazon is controlled by US agencies, with the support of government sectors and their ties to drug traffickers. On the other hand, distribution logistics in the Platina Basin begin in Paraguay, a territory from which cocaine is transported through the triple border (Brazil-Paraguay-Argentina) to the urban centers of southeastern Brazil and Buenos Aires. In addition, the Paraná and Plata river complexes are used; the drug is exchanged in northern Rosario; private companies that transport soybeans to different parts of the world are used; cocaine is generally hidden in soybeans (DUPLO EXPRESSO, 2019b).

It is known that the CIA and DEA actively participate in drug trafficking in the Americas, using the profits to finance their secret operations. The DEA, for example, acts as an intermediary for drug traffickers and receives “payments” to facilitate the activities of some groups in the cocaine trade; in other words, there are agreements between the DEA and cartels (DUPLO EXPRESSO, 2019c).

Another well-known case is the relationship between the CIA and the “contras” in Nicaragua during the Ronald Reagan administration. In addition to training them, the CIA had a commercial relationship with the group. The alliance made it possible to smuggle large tons of cocaine into the United States, and the profits were used to finance anti-Sandinista operations in Nicaragua. This process contributed to the spread of the crack cocaine trade in neighborhoods on the outskirts of Los Angeles (WEBB, 1998).

Furthermore, the real goal of anti-drug campaigns, such as “Plan Colombia”, is not to eradicate, but to:

?

"[...] alter market share: target specific enemies and thus ensure that drug trafficking remains under the control of traffickers who are allies of the Colombian state security apparatus and/or the CIA" (DALE SCOTT, 2003, p. 89).

?

There are numerous cases of funding for secret operations using funds from drug and arms trafficking by American agencies. Likewise, there are numerous suspicions and investigations into the participation of sectors of Brazilian agribusiness in cocaine trafficking and money laundering in related sectors, especially in Mato Grosso do Sul, a federative unit that borders Bolivia and Paraguay and is a major producer of soybeans (DUPLO EXPRESSO, 2019c).

Therefore, the “D’Alessiogate” case is yet another expression of US interests in the region, especially in Argentina, which started a pro-BRICs movement and was denouncing and fighting US interference in the country. Argentina, for example, before the election of Javier Milei, was about to join BRICS (which could go against US interests regarding control of soybean production and national companies in the sector). In addition, the party coalition led by Cristina Kirchner began the process of reforming the Argentine judicial system (NORTON, 2022).

?

d)??? Counteraccusation?

?

As soon as revelations about the case were published by Judge Ramos Padilha, allegations of what he called a “parastatal criminal organization” involving domestic and foreign sectors with more than fifty illegal espionage and extortion operations (Caram, 2020), the Macri government began numerous incursions to remove the magistrate from the case, including requesting his impeachment, with the Ministry of Justice initiating an investigation against Ramos Padilha (MADSEN, 2019).

According to the government's complaint, when the judge made the details of the case public to the Chamber of Deputies' Freedom of Expression Committee, he violated the rules of impartiality and failed to protect the rights of the parties involved (PATRICK, 2019). In other words, he was accused of presenting society with the plot in which the Macri government was involved. In December 2021, higher courts removed responsibility for the D'Alessio case from the Dolores Judicial Department, and Alejo Ramos Padilha was removed from the process.

It should be noted that a series of demonstrations were held in Argentina in support of the judge and in repudiation of “D’Alessiogate” (CRóNICA, 2019; C5N, 2019). The case was widely reported in the press, however, the focus of the debate was on Ramos Padilha’s impartiality and the alleged failure to comply with technical procedures (INFOBAE, 2019). The discourse of impartiality became a smokescreen, that is, there was control of the narrative, the mainstream media confirmed the plot, but emphasized that Ramos Padilha had been moved by political issues, thus, “going unnoticed” the fact that the political, media and judicial system in Argentina is corrupted by external agents, in this case, from the United States.

?

Final considerations

?

The American Hybrid Warfare in Argentina has the details of a detective novel, a typical suspense film with dark and sinister characters, but it is pure reality. D’Alessio’s discovery shows the direct intervention of the United States in the judicial and economic systems and in the Argentine mainstream media. It is an intervention from within the system, a silent invasion that uses formal mechanisms of democracy (judiciary, media, state agents elected by the people and public officials). Likewise, “D’Alessiogate” reveals the secret side of state institutions, such as the DEA, acting together with organized crime in drug trafficking.

There are no coincidences: the same tactic, the so-called “lawfare,” was used in Brazil (as well as in Paraguay, Ukraine, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Honduras, and other countries affected by the Hybrid Warfare). The “Case of the Notebooks” is Argentina’s Lava Jato Operation, with judges and prosecutors acting with bias and external support to influence politics in the country. In Brazil, Lula’s arrest paved the way for Bolsonaro’s election; in Argentina, Cristina Kirschner’s conviction paved the way for the election of the “Argentine Bolsonaro,” Javier Milei.

In February 2024, a new stage of the legal battle began in Argentina. Cristina Kirchner's defense requested the annulment of the conviction, but the prosecution wants to increase the sentence from six to twelve years (BRASIL DE FATO, 2024). In our opinion, the former president will be acquitted, just as Lula was in Brazil.

However, there is a clear message: the judiciary controls politics and the will of the people. Why do we think this way? However, there is a clear message: the judiciary controls politics and the will of the people. Why do we think this way? Even with the public denunciations about “D’Alessiogate” and the espionage and extortion network, the former president was convicted and the pro-United States candidate was elected (even with the arrest of Marcelo D’Alessio). Apparently, the masterminds of the plot have institutional power, even with the hundreds of pieces of evidence against them. On the other hand, the conviction of Cristina Kirchner, it seems, could mean that future political leaders are tied in the face of judicial intrigues[4].

The message became even clearer because, immediately after her conviction, although she once again denounced "lawfare", Cristina Kirchner publicly declared that she would not participate in future electoral processes. In other words, she understood the message. That is why we believe that her conviction will be annulled. With this public statement, she gave a supposed guarantee to her enemies that she would stay out of political life. Apparently, the results show that if she does not comply, future events like the “Case of the Notebooks” could happen.

In short, Argentina is an invaded country, with a pro-American/puppet president, opposition leaders annulled, the media articulating coup narratives and endorsing undercover agents (D’Alessio, for example), a judicial system co-opted by the United States, and agents from the DEA, CIA, and Mossad operating in communion with organized crime and with free rein from national security agencies and forces.

?

References

?

ARQUILLA, J.; RONFELDT, D. F. Swarming and the Future of Conflict. Santa Monica, CA: RAND, 2000.

ARAúJO, M. A.; PEREIRA, V. S. Rupturas, neogolpismo e América Latina: uma análise sobre Honduras, Paraguai e Brasil. R. Katál., Florianópolis, 21 (1), 125-136, 2018.

?

BARTOLI, M. B. Espiados: Un agente: Marcelo D’Alessio. Un juez: Alejo Ramos Padilla. El poder argentino, en jaque. Ediciones Continente; 1a edi??o, 2022.

BRASIL DE FATO. Justi?a. Tribunal inicia revis?o de senten?a contra ex-presidenta da Argentina Cristina Kirchner, 2024. Disponível em:<https://www.brasildefato.com.br/2024/02/26/tribunal-inicia-revisao-de-sentenca-contra-ex-presidenta-da-argentina-cristina-kirchner > Acesso 11 set. 2024.

CARAM, S. Página12. Caso D'Alessio: para el juez, la banda del falso abogado era una "organización criminal paraestatal", 2020. Disponível em: <https://www.pagina12.com.ar/278339-caso-d-alessio-para-el-juez-la-banda-del-falso-abogado-era-u>. Acesso 11 set. 2024.

CRóNICA. Convocan a una marcha en apoyo al juez Ramos Padilla, 2019. Disponível em:<https://www.cronica.com.ar/politica/Convocan-a-una-marcha-en-apoyo-al-juez-Ramos-Padilla-20190320-0031.html>. Acesso 11 set. 2024.

C5N. Marcha en apoyo al juez Alejo Ramos Padilla en Plaza Lavalle frente a Tribunales. Disponível em:<https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8SWnvtvUBJg>. Acesso 11 set. 2024.

DALE SCOTT, P. Drugs, Oil, and War. The United States in Afghanistan, Colombia, and Indochina. Rlpg/Galleys, 2023.

DUPLO EXPRESSO. Argentina será o grande teste – Duplo Expresso 12/ago/2019, 2019. Disponível em:<https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=l60JvqJdxNY>. Acesso 11 set. 2024.

DUPLO EXPRESSO. Duplo Expresso 7/mar/2019, 2019b. Disponível em:<https://duploexpresso.com/?p=103292>. Acesso 09 set. 2024.

DUPLO EXPRESSO. Geopolítica da droga, os EUA e os golpes na América Latina, 2019c. Disponível em:<https://duploexpresso.com/?p=104505>. Acesso 09 set. 2024.

EL PAíS. Oito cadernos de anota??es de um motorista revelam suposta rede de subornos dos Kirchner, 2018. Disponível em:< https://brasil.elpais.com/brasil/2018/08/01/internacional/1533137235_141165.html>. Acesso 09 set. 2024.

Engdahl, F. W. Full Spectrum Dominance: Totalitarian Democracy. In The New World Order. Edition Engdahl Wiesbaden, 2009.

Farinelli, V. A persegui??o judicial a Cristina Kirchner – Vermelho, 2019. Disponível em:<https://vermelho.org.br/2019/03/09/a-perseguicao-judicial-a-cristina-kirchner/>. Acesso 09 set. 2024.

Fernandes, R. M. S. (2019). O grupo Globo e as suas narrativas para o golpe: rela??es entre práticas de classe, cena política e os protestos de mar?o de 2016. Almanaque de Ciência Política, 3(2), 1-25.

Fernandes, R. M. S. (2019b). O PROGRAMA DE INVESTIMENTO EM LOGíSTICA (PIL) E O FIM DA FRENTE NEODESENVOLVIMENTISTA (O ACONTECIMENTO): atravessamentos, rela??es de produ??o, condensa??o (luta de classes) e a logística. OBSERVATORIO DE LA ECONOMíA LATINOAMERICANA, 2, 01-31.

?

Fernandes, R. M. S. (2022) “REVOLU??ES COLORIDAS”: “gritos” para as cameras, hashtag alegria alegria, das “sombras” golpeamos a democracia. RESEARCH, SOCIETY AND DEVELOPMENT, 10, 01-25.

?

Fernandes, R. M. S. (2024). HYBRID WARFARE AND "LAWFARE" IN BRAZIL: “coincidences” of an invasion. https://www.dhirubhai.net/pulse/hybrid-war-lawfare-brazil-coincidences-invasion-da-silva-fernandes-aulcf/?trackingId=4E8TvlUnTkmg%2F3yQRQa%2FLQ%3D%3D

?

G1. 'Cadernos das propinas': entenda o escandalo pelo qual Cristina Kirchner é investigada na Argentina, 2018. Disponível em:<https://g1.globo.com/mundo/noticia/2018/08/23/cadernos-das-propinas-entenda-o-escandalo-pelo-qual-cristina-kirchner-e-investigada-na-argentina.ghtml>. Acesso 10 set. 2024.

GIL, A. C. Métodos e Técnicas de Pesquisa Social. (6a ed.). Atlas, 1999.

?

IMG. International Manifesto Group. Ben Norton on the Coup in Peru, 2023. Disponível em:< https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=YiWMWZgUTto>. Acesso 09 set. 2024.

Leirner, P. C. O Brasil no espectro de uma guerra híbrida: militares, opera??es psicológicas e política em uma perspectiva etnográfica. Alameda, 2020.

?

LéVY, P. Cibercultura. S?o Paulo: Editora 34, 2000.

LONO, H. OPERA MUNDI. Cristina Kirchner denuncia lawfare na Argentina comandado a partir dos EUA, 2019. Disponível em: <https://dialogosdosul.operamundi.uol.com.br/cristina-kirchner-denuncia-lawfare-na-argentina-comandado-a-partir-dos-eua/>. Acesso 09 set. 2024.

MADSEN, W. N?o espione por mim Argentina, por Wayne Madsen, 2019. Disponível em:<https://jornalistaslivres.org/nao-espione-por-mim-argentina-por-wayne-madsen/>. Acesso 09 set. 2024.

MARCONI, M.; LAKATOS, E. M. Fundamentos de Metodologia Científica (5a ed.). Atlas, 2003.

?

MFA NEWS. Ministry of Foreign Affairs - The People’s Republic of China. The National Endowment for Democracy: What?It Is and What It Does, 2024. Disponível em:<https://www.fmprc.gov.cn/eng/xw/wjbxw/202408/t20240809_11468618.html>. Acesso 09 set. 2024.

NORTON, B. Geopolitical Economy Report. Judicial coup in Argentina: Corrupt judges conspire with media oligarchs to ban Cristina Kirchner from office, 2022. Disponível em:<https://geopoliticaleconomy.com/2022/12/08/judicial-coup-argentina-cristina-kirchner/>. Acesso 09 set. 2024.

PATRICK, M. Infobae. El Gobierno presentó formalmente el pedido de juicio político al juez Alejo Ramos Padilla, 2019. Disponível em:<https://www.infobae.com/politica/2019/03/18/el-gobierno-presento-formalmente-el-pedido-de-juicio-politico-al-juez-alejo-ramos-padilla/>. Acesso 10 set. 2024.

PENIDO, A.; STéDILE, M. E. Ninguém regula a América: guerras híbridas e interven??es estadunidenses na América Latina (1a.ed.). Funda??o Rosa Luxemburgo: Express?o Popular, 2021.

?

PRONER, C. Resistência ao Golpe de 2016. Editora: Canal 6, 2016.

?

POULANTZAS, N. O Estado, o poder, o socialismo. 3o ed. Rio de Janeiro- RJ. Brasil. Trad. Rita Lima, 2000.

RADIO CAPITAL 913. Bartoli: "En Argentina hubo un intento de adoctrinamiento de EEUU con el aval del sistema justicial", 2022. Disponível em:<https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=EbwnkxZ9HH4>. Acesso 09 set. 2024.

SOUZA, J. A guerra contra o Brasil: como os EUA se uniram a uma organiza??o criminosa para destruir o sonho brasileiro. Esta??o Brasil, 2020.

?

KORYBKO, A. Guerras híbridas, das revolu??es coloridas aos golpes. 2018. Editora Express?o Popular, 2015.

WEBB, G. Dark alliance: the CIA, the contras, and the crack cocaine explosion. Seven Stories Press, 1998.

?

VERBITSKY, H. El contacto con Stornelli confirmado. Los peritados celulares de D'Alessio verificaron los intercambios con el fiscal, 2019. Disponível em:<https://www.elcohetealaluna.com/el-contacto-con-stornelli-confirmado/>. Acesso 10 set. 2024.

VITULLO, G. E.; SILVA, F. P. O que a Ciência Política (n?o) tem a Dizer sobre o Neogolpismo Latino-Americano?. Revista de Estudos e Pesquisas sobre as Américas, 14(2), 27-66, 2020.

[1] In Brazil, Judge Sérgio Mouro led Operation Lava Jato, which convicted businessmen and politicians based on evidence that was open to interpretation and not very reliable, including newspaper articles that made false allegations of corruption. In Brazil, Operation Lava Jato was fundamental in endorsing the impeachment of Dilma Roussef and arresting Luís Inácio Lula da Silva, which consequently led to the election of Jair Bolsonaro, who invited Sérgio Moro to be a minister in his administration. In Brazil, in addition to the “color revolution” (the demonstrations that occurred between 2013 and 2015), there was direct and indirect participation by the United States in training Brazilian judges and intelligence sectors of the Brazilian army in the use of Psychological Operations, of which fake news is a part. For more details on Hybrid Warfare in Brazil, see: Proner (2016); Fernandes (2021); Souza (2020) and Leirner (2020), Fernandes (2024).

[2] The operation that aimed to assassinate Maduro was based in Colombia and “D’Alessiogate” was linked to the plan ((MADSEN, 2019, DUPLO EXPRESSO, 2019).

[3] é preciso destacar que a China está desenvolvendo programa de produ??o de sementes adaptadas às suas condi??es climáticas e solo. Os estudos est?o sendo realizados em parceria com a Rússia(DUPLO EXPRESSO, 2019).

[4] It is important to emphasize that the interference of the judiciary in the political scene, as occurred in Argentina and Brazil, is increasingly frequent because the neoliberal structure favors such a process. Nicos Poulantzas called this phenomenon “authoritarian statism”, a form of capitalist state in which the judiciary takes the place of parliament and the executive branch in the functions of the state. In “authoritarian statism”, voters are directly influenced by the decisions of the judiciary.