The Haitian Diaspora Convention: A Tale of Passion and Action

I had the distinct privilege of attending the Haitian diaspora convention this past weekend in Montreal. The participants traveled from all over the world with a singular goal: to discuss and address the ongoing crisis in our beloved Haiti. Most importantly, we wanted to find common priorities around which the diaspora could rally in solidarity with our sisters and brothers in Haiti.

I was extremely excited to participate in the three-day event. It offered a unique opportunity to connect with fellow Haitians who are as passionate about our homeland as I am. I attended the convention with the belief that we are all Haitians, and despite our different ideas, we share the singular goal of seeing Haiti safe and prosperous. Despite some divergence in strategies, I left the convention with the affirmation of our shared love for Haiti.

I went to the convention with three primary objectives:

1. To push for the creation of a watchdog entity to uphold transparency and accountability.
2. To secure support for a fund specifically for aiding families and children of police officers harmed or killed on duty.
3. To advocate for a prominent diaspora commission to lead the essential and challenging work of broad diaspora outreach and engagement.

In my role as both a facilitator and a moderator, impartiality was crucial, which meant sidelining my own proposals and ideas. Consequently, I was unable to present my viewpoints, but I remain hopeful that these issues were raised during the workshops and will be reflected in the concluding report.

A House Divided Cannot Stand

My hope for the diaspora convention was that it would be a space for genuine inter-Haitian dialogue, where we could frankly discuss the myriad complexities of our current situation, from advocating for radical change to more conservative approaches.

While our collective love for Haiti is unquestionable, there was a stark contrast between those who advocated for revolution and those who favored a more pragmatic approach. While revolutionary rhetoric can be appealing, those who promote it often offer little in terms of concrete action to achieve their goals.

This difference becomes even more pronounced against the backdrop of Haiti's intensifying crises and varying viewpoints on how best to counteract the gangs. My interaction with Mr. Walner Osna, whom I met at the convention, epitomizes this contrast.

On the day before the event, I shared a reflection titled Watchdog to Monitor International Mission in Haiti. This recommendation stemmed from an analysis that suggested that Haiti's escalating crisis, coupled with the regional implications of Haiti's gangs, could lead to an inevitable intervention by the international community. The analysis also took into account the Kenyan delegation's assessment of Haiti, which was being conducted in anticipation of sending a potentially 1,000-strong force to the country.

Given the impending circumstances, it is clear that Haitians must prepare for a potential intervention. We cannot simply be observers. We must build the infrastructure that will allow us to be actors in our own destiny.

My proposal seemed to have struck a chord. By the following morning, Walner had penned a fervent 2,385-word rebuttal titled “Réponse à chaud à Johnny Célestin : Non à l’occupation militaire d’Ha?ti et vive une transition de rupture” loosely translated “Hot response to Johnny Célestin: No to the military occupation of Haiti and long live a breakaway transition.” ??

“Those who cannot understand how to put their thoughts on ice should not enter into the heat of debate.” – Friedrich Nietzsche

?Walner’s article underscores the value of responding with level-headedness and never “a chaud” or in the heat of the moment. ?Walner responded to a claim I never made. Furthermore, even if I had made such a claim, his rebuttal to even his strawman argument lacked an alternative solution. In my opinion piece for Ayibopost, titled "A five-point inclusive plan for sustainable security and stability in Haiti," I detailed both the reasoning and methods for international involvement. I firmly believe that the primary responsibility to fight for Haiti's soul lies with Haitians, though technical support from other nations can be beneficial.

Bat Bravo pou Lajenès with a Sprinkle or Radicalism

Walner's denunciations were scathing, but his conclusion offered nothing new. People on WhatsApp quickly shared it, but most did not even read what I wrote. They were more interested in their political views than in understanding both sides of a nuanced argument. As the good book says, "When words are many, transgression is not lacking, but whoever restrains his lips is prudent."

In his article, Walner rehashed the same criticisms that many others have made, but he did not offer any practical proposals for how to achieve the "transition of rupture" he envisions. The idea that "Haiti needs a government that is credible and honest, and that is capable of defending the interests of the Haitian people" is neither new nor particularly creative. No one would disagree with such a noble statement, but it is certainly not a counter-proposal to my various proposals, including the creation of a watchdog.

I believe, leaders should exemplify calm, optimism, and determination, choosing their actions and words with careful consideration.

Another speaker at the conference went even further and proposed killing the oligarchs in Haiti. This statement was applauded by some in the audience. However, it was not lost on anyone that the speaker was sitting in a comfortable, air-conditioned conference room at the University of Quebec in Montreal, at a conference titled "Break Down Walls…Build Bridges" while advocating for the murder of perceived enemies in Haiti.

However, two main insights emerged from these discussions. First, Haitians abroad deeply cherish their homeland. Second, this love, combined with a feeling of helplessness, fuels the frustrations evident in some radical stances. Grand declarations may earn applause, but they do not address the ongoing upheaval in Haiti. Nonetheless, as the country confronts profound challenges, I believe, leaders should exemplify calm, optimism, and determination, choosing their actions and words with careful consideration.

Just like any other community, the Haitian community is a mosaic of people with a wide range of opinions. History offers numerous examples of leaders and movements that have taken different approaches to change. For example, in Haitian history, there was the divergence between Dessalines and Pétion, two founding fathers who had different visions for the country. In more contemporary times, there was the contrast between Martin Luther King and Malcolm X, two civil rights leaders who had different strategies for achieving equality. Similar ideological clashes can be found between Gandhi and Subhas Chandra Bose, two leaders of the Indian independence movement, and Albert Luthuli who was President General of the African National Congress (ANC) and Nelson Mandela who was provincial president for the ANC but went to found the more militant Umkhonto we Sizwe faction.

These examples underscore the timeless debate between advocating for swift, radical transformations and supporting deliberate, thoughtful reforms.

The Haitian people crave leadership, but they have a deep distrust of political and civil society figures.

The recent incident involving Pastor Marco is a sobering example of misguided and impulsive reactions to the crisis. As reported by the Christian Post, "At least seven members of the Evangelical Church of the Pool of Bethesda in Caradeux, Haiti, were tragically killed, and several others injured or abducted on a Saturday. This occurred after Pastor Marco persuaded them to confront a heavily armed local gang equipped only with sticks, machetes, and a belief that God would shield them from bullets."

Urging people to confront heavily armed gangs with mere sticks, relying on divine protection, is a dangerous and misguided approach. This is the approach that many people in the diaspora are advocating. They point to the "Bwa Kale" movement, which has demonstrated the potential of a people-driven response to the gangs, but it has also revealed the limitations of a leaderless initiative. The Haitian people crave leadership, but they have a deep distrust of political and civil society figures. As a result, they are trapped in a dilemma: they want new leadership, but they do not trust those who have stepped up to lead.

"Who Started the Fire?" is the Wrong Question While the House is Burning Down

The house is on fire, the people are trapped inside, and time is running out. Right now, it doesn't matter who started the fire. What matters is that we put it out and save the people inside.

Some people argue that the fire was started by external forces, such as the United States or the international community. Others argue that Haitians themselves are responsible, as the gangs were created by Haitians and are made up of Haitians. Regardless of which view is correct, these debates are not helpful. The only way to put out the fire is to work together, and this is why I continue to engage with people who love Haiti, even if there is disagreement with their analytical frames and strategies.

My main concern is finding a solution to the problem. I am not interested in endless debates about the fire's origin, nor am I concerned about criticism of the tools I have proposed to extinguish it. The pressing question is, what proactive steps can we take to put out the flames?

The Art of War, the Science of Change

I ascribe to Sun Tzu's Art of War, which states that we should only engage in battle when we are sure of victory. When confronting formidable adversaries, the true weapon is not brute force but intellect.

I do not disagree with those who advocate for armed resistance, but I ask them to propose a clear plan for how to achieve their goal. So far, there is no attempt to create a "back to Haiti" movement like Marcus Garvey's, and there is no fundraising effort to support on-the-ground initiatives like Martin Luther King Jr.'s.

While the talk of revolution gets the loudest applause, it is nothing more than empty rhetoric without a practical plan. In essence, what they are offering is Pastor Marco's plan: to believe that a prayer shield will protect them from bullets.

The Future: Passion Must Meet Action

The Haitian Diaspora convention served as an eye-opener, emphasizing the imperative to couple our fervent debates with concrete actions. Our collective aim should be less about ideological purity and more about pragmatic solutions for a nation desperate for peace and stability.

Some actors in the diaspora oppose any form of international engagement in Haiti. Further, they assert that even the local police are compromised by gang influence. In sum, they reject all structured forces, including international support, the Haitian army, and the police. While I disagree with this viewpoint, I respect those who hold it. However, I believe that it is crucial to have concrete proposals for addressing the pressing issue of gang-related insecurity in Haiti. Simply saying "no" to everything is not a strategy. Calling for a "transition of rupture" and a "credible, honest government that can defend the interests of the Haitian people" is aspirational but it is not a plan.

As we look to the future, we must recognize that meaningful change is driven not merely by words, but by actions. While Haiti's destiny lies with those on its soil, those of us in the diaspora share an equal responsibility to assist. Though we may not experience the daily struggles many Haitians endure, it doesn't absolve us of our duty to help. With our unique vantage point and resources, it's essential for us to step up and make a tangible difference.

As the convention's editorial committee finalizes the declaration, I will continue to offer pragmatic strategies that are actionable. Instead of throwing gasoline on the fire with provocative remarks or seeking approval through incendiary statements, I will continue to promote solidarity and collective action to address the crisis. I will continue to call for a watchdog to hold Haitian political leaders and the international community accountable. I will continue to push for solidarity for police officers, whom we ask to make the ultimate sacrifice. Lastly, I will continue to advocate for a diaspora commission to systematically engage and rally more people.

During the convention, I witnessed the deep love that many actors in the diaspora have for Haiti. Our divergence can be a strength if we are able to offer concrete and attainable alternatives for addressing the pressing issue of gang-related insecurity, which is what I would venture to say all Haitians want.