Global Inequality Posing the Greater Threat to Peace and Stability

Various academic scholars have explained a state’s effectiveness and legitimacy as the core foundations for the state’s stability and proper functioning (Ahluwalia, 1976, p. 307). However, when specific groups tend to be marginalized and excluded from the respective economic, social or political decisions, then legitimacy at this point becomes questionable. As a result, societal divisions with respect to religious, ethnic, geographic, gender and other lines emerge, creating an environment of resentment and disenfranchisement among the people, leaving them with a fragile ground for conflict. What is the relationship between inequality, security and the disrupting of peace and stability? Again, under the governance of a classical state system, inequality always served as a catalyst for the promotion of insecurity, leading to the state’s malfunction and mismanagement (Castello and Domenech, 2002, p. 195). Insecurity would emerge due to the “natural” inequalities between states, fostering this politics and power competition and fueling the various security issues (Richmond, 2014, p. 459). Today, the traditional picture changed. While the security agenda has expanded to include a variety of new threats, especially inequality that plays a key role in inciting violence, yet, the old-style threats still exist. Over the years, the world has witnessed several breakouts or clashes as a result of such economic, social and political factors among society. One example would be the Darfur region of Sudan where marginalization and discrimination against were the contributing factors to the breakout of the war back in 2003. Another example might be the lack of economic opportunities for the youths of Haiti, triggering the on-continuing gang violence of Port-au-Prince. Also, Lebanon, Syria, Iraq and so many other states are grounds for the constant back and forth occurrence of conflicts due to the many inequalities faced in such regions from freedoms and rights of existence. Inequality not only poses a threat within and among states but also to the international security (Hurrel, 2001, p.39). In all of its forms, it is the leading global problem of this era. Thus, it is important for policymakers to pay close attention to the sparking of inequality among other and their own societies to avoid the negative consequences achieved as a result of ignoring such a phenomenon. Also, in 2015, the World Economic Forum described inequality as the basis of challenges in the world today (López, and Dubrow, 2020, p.1200). Again, how does inequality affect security? This paper will tackle the consequences of inequality on the world’s stability and peace through the socio-economic and political spheres while providing the on-going conflicts in African region, the Arab region and China as a result of such inequalities.

Scholars argued that political unrest and its outcomes ranging from protest to instability and violence, depend on the degree of economic wealth and how it is distributed. In other words, the gap between the rich and the poor creates problems. From a critical stance, it is clear that inequality, in a variety of manifestations (from local to global in scope), diminishes the connections built among civil society, human rights, social justice, solidarity and democracy. For peace and order, these stances have many ramifications (Barrows, 1976, p. 155). According to Collier (2007), for instance, revolutions are the outcome of an unbearable discrepancy between people’s expectations and reality. Similar emphasis on subjective sentiments of relative deprivation, or a perceived imbalance between resources and entitlements, is made by Aleverado, Pikekky and Zucman (2018) in their justification for why men rebel. One type of justification might be inter-group comparisons witnessed for example in the different parts of Africa. Therefore, it is expected that the unequal distributions of resources, such as income, power, or prestige, and unequal access to job opportunities, education healthcare, etc. will polarize society and exacerbate intergroup conflict between affluent and underprivileged groups (Collier, 2007). As such, group mobilizations are then provoked. What happens in such cases? According to Collier, the different ethnicities form coalitions as a type of minimum-winning alliance to secure the advantages modernization has to offer like access to education, market dominance, property ownership, and employment. Inequality in access to the resources between groups automatically fosters conflict and animosity against the educated and wealthier (Alvaredo, Piketty and Zucman, 2018). In fact, such conflicts are always occurring in the Sub-Saharan African context. Examples include the rivalry over control on the routes of trading between the Yoruba and Hausa, the conflict between the Kikuyu and the Masai in Kenya's Rift valley on land disputes, and the conflict on resources and who has the greater influence on the lands of Sudan between the Dinka and Nuer (Hurrel, 2001, p.45). Under such circumstances, groups that are adversely affected by the allocation of resources have mutual issues and a similar identity. As a result, recruiting for radicalized action to advance and defend group interests is made easier. In other words, economic injustices, both at the individual and community level, serve as a powerful motivator for collective action. Another example would be the case of Burundi. Since gaining its independence, Burundi has been experiencing succession of violent conflicts that have not only widened internal existing conflicts from ethnic to regional differences, but also exacerbated inequality and socioeconomic isolation. The first coup d’etats dates back to 1965 that set the base for the sectarian conflict, triggered by the struggle for power and resources between the majority and minority (Klein and Pettis, 2020, p. 229). One incident worth mentioning would be the Burundi armed forces killing 200,000 Hutu civilians and the displacement of another 300,000 Hutu civilians after another failed attempt of coup d’etats by the latter in 1976 (Klein and Pettis, 2020, p. 230). ?Such an event was classified as genocide in world history. Until today, conflicts in Burundi still infiltrate the long struggle between the 2 ethnic groups of Hutu and Tutsi, knowing that conflicts, clashes or resentment among them started as a result of the socio-economic exclusion of the Hutus.?After gaining its independence, Rwanda too faced sectarian strife where instead the Hudus took control and overthrew the Tutsis. Following the revolution, the Hutu-led government periodically massacred Tutsis; massacres took place in 1959, 1963, and 1967 (Richmond, 2014, p. 460). Over 20 000 Tutsis died as a result of these repeated killings of the Tutsi community, and over 300,000 were forced into exile in refugee camps (Richmond, 2014, p.462). In this context, the Hutus president channeled all the socio-economic services to only a limited number of Hutus (for personal reasons), creating as well resentment among the ones who helped him achieve power and not getting anything in return. As such, different fault lines were created and conflicts ever since stayed on the rise.

Elaborating more, the Global North and South have come together as a result of rising intra-national inequality. Research on post-Communist immigrants to democracy from the 1980s to the early 2000s defined inequality as manifested in extreme poverty and civil rights violations. These were mostly regarded as issues unique to the developing world (Gibney, 2004, p.65). Again, when the developed part of the world presents this ideal and perfect model of democracy, equal access to opportunities, different rights and freedoms secured, etc., the developing world will want to have the same, no matter what the cost might be like revolutions, migration (whether legal or illegal), immigration, civil conflicts, clashes and so on. Extreme political inequality is a primary cause of the protests that started in numerous Middle Eastern nations in 2018 and are still going on today, which some have dubbed a "new Arab Spring” (Alvaredo, Assouad, and Piketty, 2019). As a result, addressing inequality would be a top priority in promoting stability, peace and democracy in the area, especially in light of the fact that disparity strengthens authoritarian regimes and enhances the domination of elites on the system. A bigger storm will be gathering in the region without significant structural reforms aimed at reducing poverty and inequality. For instance, Omar al-Bashir, Sudan’s former president, was overthrown in December 2018 as a result of Sudanese protests sparked by rising bread prices. Another example would be Mohammad Ali’s (exiled businessman and former military builder) video made in Egypt in September 2019 of how President Abdel-Fattah el-Sisi had stolen public monies to pay for, among other things, buying himself an expensive house. The result evidently was mass protests against the President. Consecutively, Iraqi demonstrators and protestors demanded access to basic amenities including electricity and clean water back in October 2019. Not to forget the Lebanese government announcing the imposement of taxes on several mobile applications such as WhatsApp, along with a long list of other austerity measures implemented throughout the year that disproportionately impacted the most vulnerable members of society, setting off a popular uprising among the Lebanese people. Thus, what can be deduced is that these protests share a lot in common. Residents protested the deteriorating living circumstances and demanded the end of the regimes that permitted a small, corrupt political class to control the essential resources of the country at the expense of their own people, to end. Algerian Protestors also called for more economic opportunity in Algeria, where the causes of the demonstrations were less obviously economic. Consequently, the protests forced a revolution in the country's political structures to ensure a more equitable allocation of the country’s resources. This context of inequalities that the Arab region faces at both the national and regional levels surely is not new for several reasons, one of them acknowledging that the Arab states with areas of conflict are considered to be rentier states, including Algeria, Egypt, Iraq, Lebanon, and Sudan (Klein and Pettis, 2020, p. 229). Instead of being productive and industrialized countries, their economies rely heavily on the income coming from the banking sector, foreign aid, remittances, the real estate industry, or a mix of these components (Klein and Pettis, 2020, p. 232). The Middle East, on the other hand, is a region where the distinction between public and private capital is sometimes not clear. As a result, these resources are typically held by institutions that are ruled by the political establishment or hereditary governors and their economic associates. Usually, these governors are represented by political parties and unless the citizen is part of the specific political party in charge or governing, the services and benefits that need to be provided by the state won’t be served. This is where the gap emerges because few people, especially in the Arab region are actually committed to political parties or have the opportunity to be part of it, thus others suffer the consequences of the different inequalities that emerge ranging from education to electricity and water to economic opportunities, food and so on. ?Because of this, elites gain substantial benefits leading to the flourishing corruption and clientelism. ?The confluence of widening inequality and increasing poverty makes for a volatile mix that will continue to threaten stability if it is not handled. Political elitists have demonstrated neither the ability nor the will of addressing these issues. Instead, political elites have undermined societal peace by attempting to maintain the status quo. The countries involved may eventually have long-term issues as a result of this social cohesion disintegration, which will result in an unbridgeable gap between the ruling class and the governed. Such an instance would not only exacerbate the prevalent political and social instability but would also result in violence, which, whether or wrongly, could be perceived as a means of enforcing change. One cannot overstate the risks of such a scenario, particularly in an area that has experienced cycles of growing turmoil.

From another perspective, as economic integration and globalization have evolved over the past few decades and the links between the economy and national security have gotten stronger. Global income inequality has been on the rise for the last 200 years. Only recently, with the fast economic development of nations in the Far and Near East, has the trend started to turn around. Although the gap in income between countries has recently shrunk, a person's place of birth continues to have a much greater impact on their economic prospects than any individual effort. Since the 1980s, most states have seen an increase in intra-national inequality, particularly those that have pursued a policy of smaller government and lower taxes to promote economic growth. The power balance between countries will keep evidently shifting as economies in nations like China and India continue to expand and increase their proportion of the global economy. Will China be able to surpass the United States as the largest economy without falling victim to what Graham Allison refers to as the Thucydides Trap? A conflict between the emerging power and the once-dominant power seems virtually inevitable. There will be even more disparity in China if it ever catches up to the United States, witnessing a new shift of world order and threatening the peace of not only 1/3 of the world’s nation, but also all of its surroundings and eventually reaching the world.

China has seen numerous significant transitions, most important being the moving from an underdeveloped to a reasonably developed economic state and from a relatively equal to an unequal distribution of income (Xie, 2016, p. 330). Prior to the reform, everyone was equally poor. Inequality has increased in recent years as China has developed. What the world witnesses in China might be deceiving. On one hand, the media portrays China as an aggressor towards its people. Moreover, the different media outlets, researches, International reports and academic or reliable sources explain how all possibilities of rebellion towards the state are shot down and the various inequalities being suffered by the people continuously exist. However, the fact that the people are happy with the way things are and satisfied with their destinies for the sake of improving the country’s economy on an International level would be quite debatable. The perfect example would be the Chinese Cultural Revolution witnessed in 1970. The revolution started with students and permanent state employees with "good" class backgrounds and connections to the ruling party leadership, who typically mobilized and counter-mobilized protests in schools and factories, adhering to loyalist positions, while the ones who had weaker ties to the parties or people with vulnerable and weak class backgrounds tended to align with the rebel camp (Bernstein, Thomas and Xiaobo, 2000, p. 750). ?Important disparities highlighted in the revolutionary era, like the ones emerging between workers and cadres, as well as the countryside with the city. These came as consequences of state mobilization conducted in an environment where national markets and the ties between them and the global economy were tightly regulated. Maybe the clashes or conflicts in China are not at the same intensity today, but the fight is not over and inevitable, especially as China keeps on rising on an International Economic Level. It won’t get nicer with its people anytime soon. The more China expands and strengthens its economy, the more unequal distribution of income among the people and the more peace and stability in the country are at risk. Again, not just locally, but regionally and internationally for the domination on the world system will be shifted to China, thus changing the system of ruling or at least modifying it in such a way to benefit or fit Chinese standards. Without addressing the basic causes of violence, such as poverty, corruption, and inequality, upholding the rule of law, respecting human rights and enhancing governance, no progress towards peace and security can be made.

To conclude, there is widespread recognition of the connections between persistent war, instability, and inequality. Although it has been demonstrated that the absence of social inclusion and racial injustices contribute to domestic terrorism, economic injustices and grievances are stronger catalysts of violence. This is especially true in China, Sub-Saharan African region and the Arab region. It's difficult to keep economic disparity in check. Such countries or regions won’t be witnessing changes in the easy way thus clashes or conflicts must happen to transition to countries where citizens are respected as should be with at least the minimum rights and freedoms secured. Either everyone is included in protecting the state’s stability and peace building or no one is. When access to political, social, or economic goods is based on one's ethnicity or religion, the issue becomes more serious. What can be done to address exclusion and manage conflict in the face of the prevalence of inequality? Conflicts can be prevented by political institutional arrangements like economic reforms, decentralization, educational policy, and cultural acknowledgment. It has been demonstrated that post-conflict economic reforms increase the chances of attaining peace. Additionally, recent growth trends in both wealthy and developing countries support the IMF's research that shows how inequality harms economic prospects. The causes of that could be because rising inequality weakens economies' resistance to financial crises, inhibits investment in education, and sows the seeds of conflict, all of which are detrimental to the development of the economy. (Castelló and Doménech, 2002, p. 195). As from an International perspective, the urgent need to step up efforts to eliminate discrimination and economic disparity has been expressed by UN human rights experts (United Nations, 2018).The experts emphasize the urgent need to advance societies with less inequality and to enhance equality of opportunity and result within and between countries in a statement released on 4 December in honor of the Declaration on the Right to Development's 32nd anniversary: "Some of the most important problems facing the globe right now are inequality and discrimination" (United Nations, 2018). They continue to be one of the biggest risks to international peace, security, and human rights, as well as being an impediment to the realization of the right to development (United Nations, 2018). As a result, they rank among the most powerful motivations for violent clashes in hopes of attaining better alternatives or options at a decent life. If the goals are not achieved, then this problem of inequality just leads to another problem, such as migration and poverty, becoming a never-ending cycle of back and forth world-peace and stability threatening issues.

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