GIANCARLO ELIA VALORI Honorable de l’Académie des Sciences de l’Institut de France President of International World Group The new African currency
Leonardo Zangani (TopLinked.com)
Marketing Business Development Financing Intellectual Property Consultant
On June 11, 2019, during a meeting held in Abuja, the
federal capital of Nigeria, the fifteen members of the
Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS)
decided to coin - most likely within 2020 - a new African
currency, whose name has already been chosen: "ECO".
The fifteen States of ECOWAS - the association that
deals above all with part of the implementation of the CFA
Franc - are the following: Benin, Togo, Burkina Faso, Cap-
Vert, Ivory Coast, Gambia, Ghana, Guinea, Guinea-Bissau
and Liberia, which founded ECOWAS in 1964. Later, with
the further definition of the Lagos Treaty in 1975, also
Mali, Niger, Nigeria, Senegal and Sierra Leone joined it.
It should be noted that while Mauritania withdrew from
ECOWAS in 2000, since 2017 the Alawite Kingdom of
Morocco has officially requested to join.
However the "ECO" project, which has been lasting - at
least programmatically - since 2015 and much echoes the
"EURO" project, was born within a more restricted
association of States than ECOWAS, namely the West
African Monetary Zone (WAMZ), which is composed of
Gambia, Ghana, Guinea, Liberia, Nigeria and Sierra Leone.
As can be seen, said States also belong to ECOWAS, but
they intend to reach an economic and monetary union very
similar to the EU’s, considering that their economies are
less different than those of the whole group of countries
belonging to ECOWAS.
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It should be recalled that the ECO launch has been
postponed as early as 1983 and is currently expected to take
place in 2020, but again only on paper.
Using an old formula of summer media jargon, France
defines it as a "sea snake", but we must always be very
careful about oversimplifications and low esteem for
friends and foes.
Hence, certainly eight ECOWAS countries shall abandon
the CFA Franc, while the other seven countries their
national currency.
As the final communiqué of the last meeting held by the
fifteen Member States states, a "gradual approach" is
required for ECO, starting from those countries that show a
more evident "level of convergence".
As we all know, in the case of the EU and its Euro, the
convergence criteria were price stability - which is seen as
the only sign of inflation, although we do not know to what
extent this idea is correct - and "healthy and sustainable"
public finance, which means nothing but, within the EU,
means a deficit not exceeding 3% of GDP and public debt
not higher than 60% of GDP.
From this viewpoint, things are not going very well in
Africa.
Africa’s debt has just slightly exceeded 100 billion euros,
after Ghana recently taking out a 2.6 billion Euro-
denominated loan, in one fell swoop.
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In 2018 alone, African countries reached a total debt of
27.1 billion euros, but in 2017 Egypt, Ghana and Benin had
borrowed 7.6 billion euros.
Nigeria will reach 17.6 billion euros of debt at the end of
this year.
Ten African countries have already issued Eurobonds and
there will soon be 21 of them.
It is equally true, however, that the African countries’ debt-
to-GDP ratio is on average 53%, while in the 1990s and in
the first decade of 2000 it had reached 90-100%.
The obvious reasons underlying the recent increase in the
African countries’ Euro-denominated (and dollar-
denominated) debt are the following: the consequences of
the global financial crisis and the structural decrease in the
price of raw materials.
Moreover, considering the very low interest level in the
United States and Europe, many investors have also begun
to operate in Africa.
Currently Egypt is the most indebted country, with a total
of 25.5 billion euros.
It is followed by South Africa (18.9 billion euros), Nigeria
(11.2 billion), Ghana (7.8 billion), Ivory Coast (7.2 billion),
Angola (5 billion), Kenya (4.8 billion), Morocco (4.5
billion), Senegal (4 billion) and, finally, Zambia with only 3
billion euros.
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The analysts of international banks predict that, in the
future, the Euro- and dollar-denominated debt will not be a
problem for African countries.
Quite the reverse. According to the World Bank, the debt-
to-GDP ratio is expected to fall by up to 43%, on average,
in all major African countries.
The worst standard in terms of share of Eurobonds on total
debt is Senegal (15.5%), while Tunisia remains the best
standard, with 6.3 billion euros of debt issued through
Eurobonds.
As can be easily imagined, other variables are the cost of
debt service, which has doubled in two years up to reaching
10%, and the uncertainty of the barrel price on oil markets,
considering that all these countries, except Nigeria, are net
oil importers.
Therefore, it is certainly not possible to talk about
"sustainable" finance, even though many ECOWAS
countries have a debt-to-GDP ratio that currently make us
envious.
As is well-know, also the exchange rate stability - required
for entering the Euro area - is one of the primary
"convergence" criteria.
A 6.3% average annual GDP growth is expected for the
15-member African association, considering the expansion
of oil extraction in Ivory Coast, Sierra Leone, Burkina Faso
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and Ghana, while fiscal stability - which is, on average,
about 1.7% higher in 2019 - is acceptable.
Hence, if we apply the usual Euro criteria, the new ECO
currency appears very difficult, but not impossible, to be
created - at least in the long run.
ECOWAS has repeatedly advocated its single currency
project: it was initially theorized as early as 1983, then
again in 2000 and finally in 2003. As already seen,
currently there is much talk about 2020 as the possible date
for its entry into force.
Certainly there is already an agreement between ECOWAS
countries for the abolition of travel permits and many of the
fifteen Member States are entertaining the idea of
economic and productive integration projects.
Nevertheless, as far as the budget deficit convergence is
concerned, only five countries, namely Cap-Vert, Ivory
Coast, Guinea, Senegal and Togo can currently comply
with the single African currency project, since they record
a budget deficit not higher than 4% and an inflation rate not
exceeding 5%.
Hence we cannot rule out that there will be convergence in
reasonable time, but it is unlikely it will happen by the end
of 2020.
Moreover, the levels of development in the fifteen Member
States are very different.
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It is impossible to even out the differences in the levels of
debt, interest rates and public debt in the short term,
considering that the share of manufacturing in Africa is
decreasing and the economies that operate on raw materials
have always been particularly inelastic.
Furthermore, Nigeria alone is worth 67% of the whole
ECOWAS GDP - hence the ECO would ultimately be an
enlarged Naira.
With the same problems we have in Europe, with a Euro
which is actually an enlarged German Mark.
The inflation rates range from 27% in Liberia to 11% in
Nigeria, with Senegal and Ivory Coast recording a 1%
"European-style" inflation rate.
Certainly the CFA Franc is a "colonial" instrument, but it
has anyway ensured a monetary stability and a strength in
trade that the various currencies of the former French
colonies could not have achieved by themselves.
It should be recalled that the mechanism of the CFA Franc,
envisages that the Member States must currently deposit
50% of their external reserves into an account with the
French Treasury.
However, the Euro problem must be avoided, i.e. the fact it
cannot avoid asymmetric shocks.
The Euro is a currency which is above all based on a fixed
exchange rate agreement.
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We should also consider the adjustments made by Nigeria
in 2016 - and, indeed the inflation rates of the various
ECOWAS countries are stable, but not homogeneous.
They range from 11% in Nigeria to 1% in Senegal.
Between 2000 and 2016, Ghana had an inflation rate
fluctuating around 16.92%.
The fact is that all ECOWAS countries, as well as the other
African States, are net importers.
Furthermore the West African countries do not primarily
trade among themselves.
While single currencies are designed and made mainly to
stimulate trade, this is certainly not the case.
The CFA Franc, however, was a way of making the former
French colonies geopolitically and financially
homogeneous, with a view to uniting them against Nigeria -
the outpost of British (and US) interests in sub-Saharan
Africa.
Furthermore, none of the ECOWAS governments wants to
transfer financial or political power to Nigeria, nor is the
latter interested in transferring decision-making power to
allied countries, which are much smaller and less globally
important.
The region could be better integrated not with a currency -
thus avoiding the dangerous rush that characterized the
Euro entry into force - but with a series of common
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infrastructure projects or with the lifting of tariff and non-
tariff barriers.
The largest trading partner of sub-Saharan Africa, namely
the EU - with which the ECO would certainly work very
well - currently records a level of trade with the ECOWAS
region equal to 37.8%.
Nigeria exports only 2.3% to the other African partners and
imports less than 0.5%.
However, if ECO is put in place, this will be made possible
thanks to a possible anchorage to the Chinese yuan.
This would avoid excessive fluctuations - probable for the
new currency - but would create ECOWAS African
economies’ greater dependence on the Chinese finance and
production systems than already recorded so far.
Certainly it would be a way of definitively anchoring
Africa to the Chinese economy.
From 2005 to 2018, Chinese investment increased
everywhere, but in Africa it totalled 125 billion US dollars.
Africa is currently the third global target of Chinese
investment.
17% of said Chinese investment has been targeted to
Nigeria and its ECOWAS "neighbours", especially to
railways and other infrastructure.
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Moreover, in 1994, thanks to its liquidity injections China
rescued the African wages from the CFA Franc
devaluation, which had halved all incomes.
Those who govern Africa will control globalization. India
is now the second major investor in Africa, after China. The
EU takes upon itself the disasters of African globalization,
but not the dividends.
Whoever makes mistakes has to pay. There has not been a
EU policy that has "interpreted" Africa intelligently, but
only as a point of arrival for ever less significant "aid".
Therefore China will bend the African economic
development to its geostrategic aims and designs.
China offers interest rates on loans that are almost seven
times lower than Western markets, which never reason in
geopolitical terms, as instead they should do.
Giancarlo Elia Valori
Director en xxxx
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