A Generation Silenced: Analyzing the Enduring Legacy of Educational Exclusion for Afghan Women Using Capabilities Approach
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A Generation Silenced: Analyzing the Enduring Legacy of Educational Exclusion for Afghan Women Using Capabilities Approach

Abstract

This paper delves into the profound ramifications of the educational ban on women in Afghanistan, employing the Capabilities Approach articulated by Amartya Sen and Martha Nussbaum to dissect the multilayered impacts of such policies on women's rights, societal progress, and economic development. It highlights how the deprivation of education not only curtails individual capabilities—such as cognitive development, practical reasoning, health, and social affiliation—but also perpetuates a cycle of gender inequality and diminishes the country's potential for growth. Through an analysis enriched by empirical evidence and theoretical insights, the paper proposes a comprehensive set of policy recommendations aimed at dismantling educational barriers and fostering an inclusive environment where Afghan women can realize their full potential. The objective is to offer actionable strategies that resonate with the Afghan context, advocating for the reinstatement of women's educational rights as a cornerstone for achieving gender equality, economic prosperity, and societal well-being in Afghanistan. This exploration underscores the urgency of addressing educational bans within a broader framework of human rights and development, envisioning a future where education empowers women to contribute meaningfully to their communities and shape the destiny of their nation.

Introduction

The situation of women's education in Afghanistan is complex and filled with challenges. The ban on women's education symbolizes the inequality between genders and holds back the progress of the nation. This ban limits the potential of many Afghan women and goes against the principles of development and human dignity. Education has the power to change lives, but many Afghan women are denied this opportunity, preventing them from shaping their futures and helping their communities thrive.

At the heart of this discourse are the seminal works of Amartya Sen and Martha Nussbaum, whose Capabilities Approach provides a profound framework for understanding education not merely as an economic instrument but as an intrinsic right, pivotal for the realization of human potential and the fostering of a just society. Sen’s emphasis on development as the expansion of freedoms aligns with the notion that access to education is a cornerstone of societal progress, enabling individuals to participate meaningfully in the economic, social, and political spheres. Nussbaum further enriches this dialogue by highlighting the role of education in nurturing the capabilities essential for leading a life of dignity and autonomy, underscoring the grave implications of educational deprivation on gender equality and societal well-being.

The objective of this paper is not only to illuminate the multifaceted consequences of excluding women from education in Afghanistan but also to chart a course forward through policy recommendations based on a thorough understanding of the Afghan context and universal principles of human rights and development. By combining insights from the Capabilities Approach with empirical evidence and contextual analysis, this document aims to contribute to a nuanced discussion about how to break down barriers to women's education, envisioning a future in which every Afghan woman has the opportunity to learn, grow, and flourish. In doing so, it attempts to reinforce education's key role in Afghanistan's journey toward fairness, resilience, and long-term development.

The rest of the paper is divided in this way. The literature Review Follows this part, followed by giving a contextual situational background of Afghanistan. Next, the capabilities approach and its relationship with the education ban are analyzed. After that, the key deprived capabilities, their interlinkages, and the temporal dimension are explored. That is followed by policy analysis. The last part of the paper concludes.

Literature Review

The literature on women's education provides a nuanced understanding of the multifaceted consequences of denying educational opportunities to women and girls. Drawing upon various methodologies and perspectives, this body of research consistently emphasizes the profound and long-lasting impacts of restricting women's education. The literature underscores that education is not solely a means for economic progress but a fundamental human right crucial for achieving individual freedoms, empowerment, and equality. This critical consensus highlights the transformative potential of education in shaping not only individual lives but also broader societal development and economic growth.

Nussbaum (2003) and Cameron and Cameron (2006) lay the groundwork for this discussion, arguing that education has inherent value in improving women's skills and freedoms. Nussbaum describes the huge discrepancies in educational possibilities for women, as well as the ramifications for their dignity and rights. Simultaneously, Cameron and Cameron (2006) investigate the economic advantages of literacy, highlighting the significance of education in improving lives in underdeveloped countries. Together, these works highlight the Capability Approach’s emphasis on education as a way of enhancing individual freedoms and capacities, which is clearly contradicted by Afghanistan’s education prohibitions. Building on the Capability Approach framework, Hoffmann (n.d) and Cameron (2012) add to the conversation by looking deeper into the implications of this approach for educational policy and strategy. Hoffmann (n.d) supports the incorporation of life skills education into educational programs, highlighting the importance of sustainable development and individual empowerment. Meanwhile, Cameron criticizes the main focus of global educational policy on enrollment figures, asking for a more comprehensive assessment of education’s influence on girls and women’s skills. Both viewpoints emphasize the necessity of educational reforms that prioritize the development of a broad set of capacities in women, going beyond simple reading, deepening the analysis, and underlining the need for holistic approaches to women’s education.

Moreover, the gendered dimensions of capability deprivation and the social norms that influence educational opportunities for women are also studied extensively. Hicks (2002) focuses on gender discrimination and the “missing women” phenomenon to illustrate the broader implications of capability deprivation. The notion of “missing women,” coined by Nobel Prize-winning economist Amartya Sen, refers to the calculated absence of females within a population. This absence is attributed to gender discrimination, resulting in disproportionately high female mortality rates compared to males. The primary causes of the missing women problem include but are not limited to, sex-based abortions, female infanticide, uneven access to food and healthcare, and a general disregard for female health and well-being. These activities are frequently the outcome of societal conventions that value men more than women for cultural, economic, and social reasons.

Arends-Kuenning and Amin’s (2001) research in Bangladesh highlights the common instrumentalist view of women’s education, which is exclusively focused on economic rewards. This restricted perspective overlooks the greater social and individual empowerment that education may give. The study’s findings resonate with the situation in Afghanistan, where deeply entrenched societal and cultural norms further complicate women’s access to education. In Afghanistan, women encounter multifaceted barriers, including systemic inequalities, poverty, and traditional beliefs that prioritize male education over female education. These challenges underscore the urgent need for comprehensive reforms that address not only economic concerns but also promote gender equality and empower women to fully participate in society.

The nuanced understanding of Afghanistan's specific context Is provided by Inayatullah S. (2022), Bamik H. (2018), Qazizada (2024), and Ahmadzai M. (2023), who document the direct consequences of the Taliban’s educational policies. Bamik H. (2018) provides an in-depth investigation of the cultural norms that influence girls’ access to school in Afghanistan, demonstrating how social values and traditions play an important role in sustaining gender inequities in education. This study sheds light on the intricate interplay between cultural practices and educational policy, emphasizing the significance of addressing social norms alongside institutional improvements in order to promote access to education for women and girls.

Ahmadzai M. (2023) focuses on the policy implications of the Taliban’s resurgence, documenting the detrimental societal and economic consequences of denying education to girls. By highlighting the broader impacts of such policies on Afghan society, Ahmadzai’s work emphasizes the critical role of education in empowering women and fostering societal progress. Matiullah Qazizada (2024) provides a detailed analysis of the economic impact of excluding women from work and education in Afghanistan. According to Qazizada, the UNDP estimates the annual economic cost of banning women from employment at around USD 1 billion, equating to 5% of Afghanistan’s GDP, ranking the country lowest globally in terms of women’s inclusion. These policies not only strain Afghanistan’s relationship with the international community but also hinder crucial aid inflows. Qazizada highlights how such restrictions exacerbate poverty, hinder economic growth, and undermine women’s roles in families and society, emphasizing the urgent need to reverse these bans to salvage Afghanistan’s socio-economic future.

Inayatullah S. (2022) uses Nussbaum’s capacities Approach to investigate the significant limits put on women’s capacities by the Taliban’s educational policy. This theory emphasizes the inherent link between education and the development of individual capacities, viewing education not only as a tool of economic success but also as a fundamental human right required for the achievement of individual liberties and empowerment. Whereas this study comes closest to what this paper attempts to achieve, there are a few differences. While the impact of capabilities based on the responses of respondents has been noted down, the paper lacks capturing the full-essence consequences of each key capability. Also, it does not entail any extensive analysis of the interlinkages between capabilities during the lifespan of women, that is, the temporal dimension of capability deprivations and the interlinkages associated with the constitutive role of freedoms distinguished by Amartya Sen in Development as Freedom (1999a). Thus, the objective of this paper is to assess the long-term consequences of banning women's education in Afghanistan as capability deprivations using a capabilities approach framework.

Background on Education of Women in Afghanistan

In Afghanistan, the notion of gender equality remains nascent, fostering skepticism regarding the equitable treatment and roles of men and women within society. Despite some advancements, ongoing challenges persist due to enduring political instability, protracted conflict, and inadequate educational opportunities (Supplementary Document 21: Detailed Social and Gender Assessment, 10). Consequently, women’s contributions to the country’s development are often marginalized and undervalued in comparison to those of men. To foster genuine progress, concerted efforts are needed to address these systemic barriers and promote a more inclusive and equitable society.

Afghanistan has historically struggled with low education standards, with recent improvements still leaving the country significantly behind global averages in primary and secondary education. Despite some progress, particularly in recent years, the overall literacy rate remains low at 26.2%, with females notably lagging behind males at 12.5% literacy compared to 39.3% for males (Lyons 2023, 1). The limited access to secondary education, with only 40% of secondary school-aged girls attending, contributes to this gap, alongside high dropout rates, reaching up to 15% by 6th grade. Moreover, recent restrictions on girls’ access to schooling are expected to worsen the situation, potentially lowering average female educational attainment even further. The gap in adult literacy between men and women, 29.5, is larger than the gap in the South Asia aggregate, 14.6, according to the below figure from 2021.

Figure 1: Adult Literacy Rate

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Source: UNESCO Institute for Statistics (UIS). UIS.Stat Bulk Data Download Service. Accessed September 19, 2023. https://apiportal.uis.unesco.org/bdds.

Until King Amanullah Khan’s reign in the 1920s, women in Afghanistan were mostly restricted to household responsibilities and had little access to education. Amanullah Khan’s reforms brought girls’ education, but they were met with significant hostility from tribal chiefs, eventually resulting in his resignation. Subsequent monarchs, such as Habibullah Kalakani and Nadir Shah, either ignored or opposed efforts to improve ladies’ education. Zahir Shah’s reign saw modest improvement, with both genders receiving obligatory primary education; nonetheless, cultural and tribal resistance continued (Bamik 2018, 85). Mohammad Dawood Khan’s short-term attempt to abolish illiteracy and encourage education for everyone, but his ambitions were thwarted by political turmoil.

Reforms aimed at increasing women’s rights and supporting girls’ education in Afghanistan were introduced throughout the 20th century, particularly prior to the Communist takeover in 1978 (Lyons, 2023). However, the expansion of girls’ education was mainly concentrated in urban centers. Under Soviet rule, there was a notable increase in the availability of girls’ schools, although the curriculum introduced by the Soviet Union led to resistance from many Afghan families. The pushback against Soviet reforms, including efforts to promote gender equity, ultimately reduced the advancements in female education that had occurred before the 1980s.

During the 1990s, both the mujahideen and later the Taliban introduced regulations further restricting women’s freedoms and eventually outlawing girls’ education altogether (Bamik 2018, 85). These periods of political turmoil and ideological imposition severely hindered progress in education for Afghan women and girls. Efforts by subsequent regimes to modernize and promote girls’ education faced significant resistance from traditional communities and tribal leaders, leading to mass emigration as families sought to avoid perceived forced cultural changes (Lyons, 2023). The Taliban’s rule, in particular, marked a drastic regression in women’s rights and educational opportunities, as girls were completely barred from attending schools, perpetuating a cycle of educational stagnation and reinforcing cultural barriers to gender equality in Afghanistan.

Following the fall of the Taliban in 2001, Afghanistan promoted girls’ education, which resulted in a considerable rise in the number of schools enrolling female students, reaching over 5,000 in 2007. Government and international community efforts resulted in a significant increase in girls’ attendance, with 83% of primary school-aged girls attending school by 2018 (Lyons, 2023, 3). Despite these advances, over two-thirds of Afghan girls are unable to attend school owing to insecurity, poverty, and ingrained social and cultural hurdles (Supplementary Document 21: Detailed Social and Gender Assessment n.d., 13). Despite major expenditures in girls’ education since 2001, millions of Afghan girls are still denied access to school owing to strong cultural norms that impede their access to schooling (Bamik 2018, 87).

Despite legal frameworks and constitutional provisions guaranteeing education as a right for all citizens, including women, Afghanistan grapples with the gap between policy and practice in ensuring girls’ access to education (Bamik 2018, 87). For instance, according to the Constitutional Law of the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan, education is the right of all citizens and is provided free of charge by the state. While laws such as the Law on the Prohibition of Violence Against Women have been enacted to address violence and discrimination, they have not effectively tackled the cultural norms that hinder girls’ education (Bamik 2018, 87). The withdrawal of the United States Armed Forces in 2021 was followed by the collapse of the Afghan government and the subsequent seizure of control by the Taliban, leading to the suspension of secondary education for girls and threatening the progress made in girls’ education since 2001 (Lyons 2023, 3). Despite the significant efforts and resources invested in promoting girls’ education post-2001, Afghanistan continues to struggle with bridging the gap between policy aspirations and the realities faced by Afghan girls seeking education in a society marked by enduring socio-cultural challenges.

An Overview of the Capabilities Approach

The Capabilities Approach, developed by Amartya Sen and expanded upon by Martha Nussbaum and Ingrid Robeyns, provides a revolutionary viewpoint on judging well-being that challenges traditional economic measurements. This method stresses analyzing individual well-being based on people’s real freedoms or capacities to seek their well-being, rather than just on income and possessions. It highlights the substantive freedoms that individuals may attain, acknowledging that methods such as education can serve as both instruments and goals in improving well-being. By shifting the focus from solely enhancing economic production to expanding individual freedoms, this approach signifies a significant redirection toward an economic policy perspective (Robeyns, 2005; Nussbaum, 2000).

At the heart of the Capabilities Approach lies the distinction between “capabilities” and “functionings.” Capabilities refer to the array of life outcomes an individual has the potential to achieve, emphasizing choice and freedom. Functionings are the actualized outcomes among these possibilities, representing the various ways an individual may choose to live their life. This approach inherently seeks to broaden the scope of freedoms, indicating that while monetary means might facilitate capability expansion, the essence of the approach transcends monetary evaluation, providing a versatile framework to analyze barriers to freedoms across diverse socioeconomic landscapes (Robeyns, 2003; Sen, 1999a).

Sen portrays the Capabilities Approach as a flexible framework that focuses on capabilities rather than imposing specific metrics for evaluation. This intrinsic adaptability can be viewed as both a strength and a drawback, depending on the context of use. Scholars create capacity lists to more concretely explain the approach’s aims, either generically or within specific settings, allowing for a more grounded implementation of its ideas (Robeyns, 2005; Sen, 1999b). In summary, while the Capabilities Approach offers a comprehensive framework for measuring individual well-being, its flexibility can make operationalization difficult. The creation of competency lists contributes to addressing this issue by providing more precise instructions for implementation in a variety of scenarios, hence increasing their practical utility.

A thorough evaluation of the limits of utility-based well-being assessments reveals numerous important flaws resolved by the Capabilities Approach. For example, the concept of “distributional indifference” in utility aggregation in classical frameworks presents ethical difficulties since it might justify the well-being of a majority at the expense of a suffering minority. This approach’s emphasis on individual capacities successfully mitigates such aggregation issues, resulting in a fairer examination of well-being that recognizes varied, inherent qualities beyond utility maximization (Sen, 1999a; Robeyns, 2005).

Furthermore, the Capabilities Approach goes beyond the one-dimensional, goods-based measures of well-being, taking into account the wide range of human demands and the variety in their capacity to turn resources into actual capabilities. It tackles a major error in products-based assessments: the failure to account for various conversion factors—personal, societal, or environmental—that influence the translation of commodities or services into true capabilities. For example, two people with the same amount of education may have different employment options owing to gender prejudice or cultural standards, demonstrating the approach’s sensitivity to specific situations (Sen 1999a; Nussbaum 2003).

Lastly, the method addresses the problem of “adaptive preferences” and social conditioning, calling into question the notion that individual preferences influence human behavior on their own. It acknowledges how people’s choices and satisfactions change in response to their circumstances, such as exposure to violence or institutional prejudice. This acknowledgment criticizes standard economic theories of preference determination, suggesting a reversed interpretation in which human actions and societal situations have a considerable effect on the creation of preferences. Such findings are especially relevant in debates on gender inequality and intra-household dynamics, where traditional economic assessments frequently neglect the complex reality of human well-being (Nussbaum, 2000).

In conclusion, the Capabilities Approach stands as a comprehensive framework challenging conventional economic metrics by foregrounding individual freedoms and capabilities in the assessment of human well-being and social justice. It offers a nuanced perspective that extends beyond traditional measures, advocating for a more inclusive approach to policymaking. By emphasizing the significance of substantive freedoms, it prompts a reevaluation of societal priorities and fosters a more holistic understanding of development. Through its focus on enhancing individual capabilities, the approach strives for equitable outcomes and the promotion of human flourishing across diverse contexts.

Women’s Ban from Education & Capabilities Approach

Drawing upon the Capability Approach, articulated by Amartya Sen and further explicated by scholars like Ingrid Robeyns, Martha Nussbaum, and others, we can examine the profound implications of banning women's education in Afghanistan. This approach, which emphasizes the expansion of individuals' freedoms and capabilities as both the ends and means of development (Sen, 1999a), offers a robust framework for understanding the long-term effects of such educational bans.

Sen (1999a) underscores that development entails the removal of various unfreedoms, including the lack of educational opportunities, which significantly restricts individuals' capabilities. Education is not merely a tool for economic development but a fundamental human right intrinsic to the dignity and freedom of individuals (Nussbaum, 2003). The denial of educational opportunities to Afghan women and girls represents a severe infringement of their basic human rights and a direct deprivation of their capability for literacy, numeracy, and the acquisition of life skills necessary for participating fully in societal development (Hoffmann, n.d.).

The Capability Approach critiques the reductionist view that assesses development solely in terms of GNP growth or industrialization. Instead, it argues for the intrinsic value of education in enhancing human capabilities and freedoms (Cameron & Cameron, 2006). The ban on women's education in Afghanistan directly contradicts the approach's emphasis on expanding human freedoms, highlighting a grave deprivation not only of individual capabilities but also of the potential societal and economic benefits that an educated female population would contribute to.

Empirical evidence from various contexts underscores the protective and empowering effects of education on women's capabilities. Ownership of assets, including educational achievements, has been shown to protect women against intimate partner violence and contribute to their empowerment and economic independence (Arends-Kuenning & Amin, 2001; Robeyns, 2005). Thus, the ban on women's education in Afghanistan not only limits their immediate educational opportunities but also has broader implications for their social, economic, and personal well-being.

By applying the Capability Approach to the context of Afghanistan's educational ban on women, it becomes evident that such policies do not merely restrict access to education but also significantly impair the development of women's capabilities, thereby perpetuating cycles of poverty, inequality, and social injustice. The approach advocates for the recognition of education as both a fundamental human right and a cornerstone of development, emphasizing the need for policies that ensure the expansion of educational opportunities and the empowerment of all individuals to lead lives they have reason to value (Nussbaum, 2003; Sen, 1999a).

Furthermore, the Capability Approach emphasizes the importance of participatory decision-making, suggesting that Afghan women themselves should be centrally involved in the design and implementation of educational initiatives. By incorporating their perspectives and addressing the specific barriers they face, these programs can be more effectively aligned with the goal of enhancing women's substantive freedoms.

The Capability Approach, therefore, offers a comprehensive and ethically grounded perspective on the detrimental impacts of banning women's education in Afghanistan. It is recognized that Incorporating the Capability Approach to tackle the restriction on women's education in Afghanistan provides an avenue not just for evaluating the existing situation, but also for developing concrete initiatives aimed at enhancing women's capacities. This means going beyond simply boosting literacy rates and establishing a curriculum that promotes critical thinking, problem-solving, and life skills, so preparing women with the skills needed to fully engage in economic, social, and political life.

Key Capability Deprivations Associated with Barring Women from Education

The Nussbaum (2003) capability list is used in this part to assess the capability deprivations that would happen as a result of banning education for women in Afghanistan. Her framework of capabilities provides a comprehensive structure for analyzing the impacts of the prohibition on women's education in Afghanistan across different aspects of women's experiences. There are two ways in which capabilities are being deprived for women; first, the capabilities that are directly affected, and second the capabilities that are indirectly deprived from women.

Directly Affected Capabilities

This part explains the capabilities that are directly deprived of women by barring them from getting an education in schools and universities.

The first capability directly affected is the senses, imagination, and thought. The ban on women's education has a direct impact on their cognitive aptitude, which includes the ability to utilize their senses to imagine, think, and reason. Education is critical in developing these abilities, allowing people to interact with the environment in an intellectual and creative manner. As argued by Walker and Unterhalter (2007), education provides the tools for individuals to construct their own identity and understanding of the world, thereby enriching their sense of self and their capacity for empathy and moral judgment. Denying women access to education greatly limits their ability to think independently and critically. Robeyns (2003) asserts that education is not merely a tool for economic development but a fundamental human capability that enriches individuals' lives in myriad ways. It allows for the exploration of new ideas, fosters imagination, and cultivates the ability to reason and reflect critically on one's life choices. This limitation stifles their intellectual growth and capacity to participate meaningfully in society.

The practical reason is the second category of capabilities that are directly affected by the banning of education for women in Afghanistan. The limitation on women's education immediately inhibits their ability to develop their own opinions of what constitutes a satisfying life, as well as to critically reflect on how to achieve it. Nussbaum (2003) emphasizes that practical reason is one of the central human capabilities, defining it as the ability to form a conception of the good life and to critically reflect on one's own life choices. She argues that this capability is fundamental to human dignity and autonomy. Education equips people with the information and skills they need to manage the challenges of life and make sound decisions. As a result, denying women access to education deprives them of the skills they need to organize their lives and shape their futures based on their own goals and ideals. Also, Sen's work, as explored by Robeyns (2005) and others, offers a complementary perspective, emphasizing the importance of education in expanding the 'capabilities' that enable individuals to lead lives they have reason to value. This constraint not only restrains their growth, but also reinforces their reliance on others for decision-making and self-determination.

Indirectly Affected Capabilities

This part explains the list of capabilities that are indirectly impacted as a result of banning education for women in Afghanistan. The list in this part is longer than the directly affected capabilities list explored above.

The first critical capability impacted indirectly is life and bodily health. The ban on education indirectly harms women's health by limiting their access to vital information on healthcare, nutrition, and reproductive health. Nussbaum (2003) contends that the ability to maintain health is closely linked with the capabilities for sensory perception, imagination, and cognition, all of which are nurtured through the process of education. Walker and Unterhalter (2007) advocate for the essential role of education in fostering the knowledge and critical thinking necessary for health literacy, which is fundamental for exercising autonomy over one's health decisions. This lack of knowledge increases health risks and may lead to shorter life spans due to reduced access to health services. Education is crucial for empowering women to make informed decisions about their well-being. Thus, lifting the ban on education is essential for improving women's health outcomes.

Bodily integrity is the second category of capabilities that is being deprived of women being barred from getting an education. Education is an important aspect in equipping women to negotiate and resist?forms of violence, including sexual assault. By fostering a deeper understanding of societal norms and legal rights, education serves as a critical mechanism for women to assert their rights and challenge instances of violence and discrimination, illustrating the transformative power of education in altering women's positions within societal hierarchies (Robeyns, 2003). Therefore, it is recognized widely that women who are educated are more likely to be aware of their rights and to seek help if they are being abused.

The third category of capabilities affected by the banning of education for women in Afghanistan is affiliation. According to Nussbaum (2003), affiliation refers to the capacity to coexist and interact with others, to acknowledge and demonstrate empathy towards fellow human beings, and to participate in diverse social relationships while being capable of empathizing with the experiences of others. Education instills a sense of community and belonging. Walker & Unterhalter (2007) argue that through education, women gain access to forums where they can express their opinions, listen to others, and form bonds based on shared experiences and goals, underscoring the role of education in enhancing social capital and community cohesion. Women who participate in educational settings create social networks and learn to engage in many sorts of social interaction. The restriction denies them these chances, limiting their capacity to build social attachments and utilize social support networks.

The last key category of capabilities impacted as a result of barring women from education is the control over one’s environment. This capability encompasses both political participation and material control. Robeyns (2003) elucidates that access to education is a key determinant of an individual's ability to participate in economic and political realms. She argues that education not only provides the knowledge necessary for understanding complex political and economic systems but also imparts the confidence required for women to assert their place within these arenas. Education is crucial for understanding and engaging in political processes, and it often leads to better job opportunities, enabling women to gain economic independence. Education helps women to question current power systems, seek better work prospects, and fight for their own and others' rights in both local and wider political contexts by increasing access to knowledge and developing critical thinking abilities. The ban on education, therefore, significantly diminishes women's ability to influence their environment and achieve financial autonomy.

While other categories of capabilities as enlisted in the universal list of capabilities by Nussbaum (2003) would possibly be affected in multiple ways and through a myriad of channels and mechanisms, the author believes the above list of directly and indirectly deprived capabilities provides a comprehensive list of key and important ones. Moreover, it is also important for one to understand the different interactions between each of these capabilities listed above and how they interplay throughout the life span of individuals; this will be explored next.

Interlinkages and Temporal Dimensions of Deprived Capabilities

The ban on women's education in Afghanistan results in a complex web of deprivation, where the restriction of one capability amplifies the vulnerability of others, leading to a cycle of disempowerment. This deprivation affects individuals across different stages of their lifespan. To incorporate the temporal dimension of capability deprivation as highlighted in the literature, as well as to articulate how these deprivations evolve and interact throughout an individual's lifetime in Afghanistan, particularly in the context of women's education, one can draw on Sen, Nussbaum, and others' insights. This method provides for a more comprehensive understanding of the long-term, compounding consequences of educational limits on women's capacities at various times of their lives, as well as how these restrictions create a cycle of deprivation that affects not only people but future generations.

From Early Education to Lifelong Capabilities

Sen (1999a) highlights development as a progression toward increasing the actual freedoms individuals experience, where education plays a dual role as both a basic entitlement and a primary vehicle for achieving this objective. Sen articulates that the deprivation of educational opportunities in early years not only hampers the development of basic capabilities but also stifles the cultivation of agency and autonomy. This limited agency, a consequence of educational deprivation, affects an individual's capacity to participate effectively in economic, social, and political spheres, diminishing their contribution to societal development and democratic processes. Furthermore, Sen (1999a) emphasizes that education is instrumental in fostering tolerance, understanding, and appreciation of diversity, which are essential for the functioning of democratic societies. Particularly in its early stages, education establishes the groundwork for fostering crucial capabilities like literacy, numeracy, critical thinking, and social skills. The absence of educational access during these formative years constrains the development of these capabilities, leading to a trajectory of constrained potential for personal growth and societal cohesion.

From Education to Bodily Health and Integrity and to Affiliation and Control Over the Environment

Education functions not just as a means to acquire knowledge, but also as a medium for increasing understanding regarding health, rights, and personal safety. The restriction of education for women in Afghanistan has far-reaching effects that go beyond gaining knowledge and critical thinking. Sen (1999a) contends that education is critical to increasing individuals' true liberties, emphasizing the cascading effects of educational deprivation. Without education, women lack access to critical knowledge about their health, rights, and personal safety, making them more vulnerable to sickness and exploitation. This vulnerability has an influence not only on their physical and mental health but also on their social integration and economic freedom.

As Nussbaum (2003) highlights, capabilities are deeply intertwined, with the deprivation of one capability often exacerbating the vulnerability of others. In this context, the deprivation of bodily health and integrity due to a lack of education can lead to isolation from social networks and a diminished capacity for affiliation, further entrenching women in cycles of dependency and marginalization. The impacts of educational deprivation on women's capacities are dynamic, evolving over time. Early educational deprivation establishes a trajectory that affects not just current ability but also future prospects for growth, autonomy, and society contribution. This changing nature of capacity deprivation emphasizes the need to eliminate educational hurdles for women, as the implications go well beyond individual well-being to damage the larger society fabric and subsequent generations.

Gender Discrimination and Intergenerational Impact

Drawing on Hicks (2002), who explores gender discrimination within Sen's framework, one can conclude that the ban on women's education in Afghanistan not only exacerbates gender disparities but also significantly contributes to the "missing women" phenomenon by severely limiting women's capabilities in critical areas such as health, employment, and political participation. This deprivation damages the basic fabric of women's lives, with far-reaching consequences that span across generations. The intergenerational impact becomes evident when considering the role of educated women as mothers. Mothers who do not receive an education are less able to contribute to their children's health, education, and total capabilities, sustaining a generational cycle of capacity deprivation (Hicks, 2002).

Nussbaum (2003) takes a critical look at this topic, highlighting education as a fundamental human skill that is required for the exercise of other abilities such as health, bodily integrity, and political involvement. She contends that the lack of educational opportunities for women directly violates their fundamental entitlements, resulting in a reduced ability to participate in social, economic, and political life, exacerbating gender inequalities, and limiting future generations' freedoms and opportunities (Nussbaum, 2003). This underscores the crucial role of education in enhancing individual and collective capabilities, and how its absence perpetuates gender disparities, undermines social development, and entraps future generations in a cycle of deprivation.

The Economic and Social Ripple Effects

The restrictions set on excluding or barring them from educational settings not only limit women's current capabilities for employment and economic independence but set in motion a cycle of deprivation that affects future generations, contributing to sustained economic downturns, increased poverty rates, and weakened social fabric over time. The immediate consequence of such bans, as Qazizada (2024) points out, is a decrease in GDP and heightened poverty due to the underutilization of half of the population's potential labor force. As per a story of the UN Sustainable Development Group, the cost of excluding women in Afghanistan is one billion dollars per year (2022). This is besides the cost accrued as a result of any future losses through limits placed on education, skills, dignities, and capabilities investments. According to Sen (1999a), the denial of educational and employment opportunities to women represents a direct curtailment of their freedoms, leading to a failure to realize the full economic potential of society. This not only impacts the present economic conditions but sets a precedent for diminished economic growth and innovation in the long run, affecting the overall trajectory of a country's development.

Nussbaum (2003) underscores how education and employment are vital for women's autonomy and societal well-being, emphasizing their interconnectedness. The ban not only impacts women's current status but also limits their role as influencers within their families, affecting the capabilities of future generations. This perpetuates a cycle of poverty and capability deprivation across generations, as noted by Robeyns (2003). She highlights the role of social institutions in shaping individuals' capabilities and points out that the ban disrupts social cohesion by fostering gender disparities and exclusion, ultimately undermining community solidarity and cooperation essential for sustainable development. The cycle of capability deprivation initiated by these bans not only diminishes women’s contributions in the short term but also has lasting effects on the economic and social well-being of entire societies. Breaking this cycle requires comprehensive policies that recognize the inherent value of women’s education and participation in the workforce, not just as a means to economic ends but as essential to the realization of a just and equitable society.

What to Do (Policy Recommendations)?

The temporal dimension of the Taliban’s ban on women’s education reveals a multi-layered impact that extends beyond immediate economic and social consequences to affect the long-term developmental trajectory of Afghanistan. Addressing these challenges necessitates a holistic approach that encompasses the restoration of women’s rights to education and work as central to the country’s overall progress and the well-being of future generations. The ban on women's education in Afghanistan not only infringes on fundamental human rights but also significantly hampers the country's socio-economic development. Following are some of the policy recommendations that this paper suggests in order to tackle the issue of barring women from education in Afghanistan, taking account of the context of Afghanistan.

1. International Advocacy and Pressure

International advocacy and pressure are essential strategies for addressing educational bans on Afghan women. Implementing targeted sanctions against enforcing regimes can exert economic and political pressure, signaling a unified stance against rights violations. These sanctions, calibrated to minimize harm, aim to incentivize policy changes by impacting ruling entities' interests. Diplomatic efforts, including dialogue and mobilization of international opinion, complement sanctions by providing pathways for resolution and assisting in educational reforms. This dual approach utilizes global governance structures to challenge oppressive policies, affirming a commitment to human rights and women's empowerment through education. While this has not been effective strongly so far, it has the potential to be an active tool in the arsenal, although considering that it doesn’t negatively affect the economic and societal well-being of the whole country, making the people starved and moved to below the poverty line.

2. Support Underground Educational Initiatives

Supporting underground educational initiatives involves clandestinely aiding schools operating outside of official recognition. This assistance is facilitated through non-governmental organizations (NGOs), ensuring the safe and discreet delivery of educational materials and resources to these schools. Additionally, leveraging online platforms to provide education acknowledges the constraints of internet access in rural areas. To address this limitation, support is extended to mobile internet solutions, enabling broader access to educational resources. Overall, these strategies aim to circumvent restrictive educational policies and provide marginalized communities, particularly women and girls, with access to essential education opportunities. This has been somehow successful in making a certain specific small group of girls able to access education. However, the scope for this is small and it is really hard to coordinate these setups considering the situation in the country.

3. Economic Incentives and Aid Conditioning

Economic incentives and assistance conditioning include using financial influence to persuade governments and communities to prioritize women's education. This entails tying international financial and economic support to verifiable standards for women's rights and education. For example, aid packages should be?designed to contain criteria such as raising female enrollment rates, enhancing educational facilities for females, and enacting policies that promote gender equality in education. In addition to conditional aid, providing economic incentives, such as cash awards or favorable trade deals, might encourage governments and local communities to support and reestablish women's education projects. By linking economic support to actual success in women's education, this method attempts to generate genuine change and empower women via excellent education. While this attempt has not been quite successful in trying to push the Taliban to let women’s education, it has been imperative in sustaining the salaries of teachers to be able to make a living.

4. Community Engagement and Cultural Sensitivity

Community engagement and cultural sensitivity are crucial strategies in promoting women's education, involving community leaders, religious figures, and families to address cultural barriers and misconceptions that hinder girls' access to education. Initiating dialogues with key stakeholders such as religious leaders and community elders fosters a supportive environment while respecting local customs and traditions. Additionally, highlighting the positive impact of educated women on economic development and societal well-being through targeted campaigns and success stories encourages communities to recognize education's broader benefits beyond individual empowerment. These efforts play pivotal roles in overcoming obstacles to women's education, fostering understanding, garnering support, and promoting positive perceptions of women's educational pursuits within local contexts, ultimately creating opportunities for girls and women to thrive and contribute to their communities. This strategy, this paper, believes to be one of the strong and viable options to get around the education of women in Afghanistan. Given the societal norms of Afghanistan, the failure of the unsustainability of the republic government and their inability to enhance women’s participation and education has been largely attributed to the lack of this kind of dialogue with the rural and distant residents in the villages and towns.

5. Long-term Investment in Educational Infrastructure

Long-term investment in educational infrastructure is required to reverse the effects of educational prohibitions on Afghan women and promote sustainable growth. This includes allocating funds to build and renovate schools, provide teacher training programs, and provide digital learning tools, all with the goal of making education more accessible and inclusive. Furthermore, providing vocational training and scholarships for higher education enables Afghan women to learn important skills and actively engage in the labor field, thus contributing to economic growth and social advancement. These initiatives establish the groundwork for gender equality, economic progress, and the well-being of Afghan society. Even though this attempt was undertaken to some extent before the Taliban takeover, there is believed to be more room for improvement in this aspect. One of the main reasons parents not letting their children in schools has been the lack of proper infrastructure, female teachers, and hygiene. Therefore, this part of the policy is so critical in transforming and shaping the future of women in Afghanistan.

6. Monitoring and Accountability Mechanisms

Establishing international monitoring mechanisms is crucial to track progress on women's education in Afghanistan, ensuring accountability and transparency in efforts to improve educational access and quality for women and girls. This involves setting up systems to regularly assess and report on indicators such as enrollment rates, educational infrastructure, and gender parity in educational outcomes. A significant challenge in implementing these mechanisms is the current lack or unavailability of comprehensive data and survey collections in Afghanistan. Reliable data collection is fundamental for accurately monitoring and tracking progress, as well as identifying impediments in the educational sector. Without robust data, it is difficult to assess the impact of policies and to make informed decisions that address the barriers to education. Together, these monitoring and accountability mechanisms play a vital role in holding stakeholders accountable, driving progress, and ultimately advancing women's education in Afghanistan. After convincing the current government of the many benefits of women’s active participation in society, it is critical to thoroughly establish these mechanisms to assess the impact and results of different policy tools and actions.

Conclusion

Confronting the ban on women's education in Afghanistan requires a multifaceted approach that transcends mere policy adjustments to address the deep-seated cultural, economic, and political roots of gender discrimination. The recommendations proposed herein—from leveraging international advocacy and support for underground educational initiatives to investing in long-term educational infrastructure—emphasize a holistic strategy aimed at reinstating women's fundamental right to education and, by extension, their rights to participate fully in the economic, social, and political life of Afghanistan.

However, the journey does not end with policy implementation. True transformation demands sustained international support, local community engagement, and a commitment to monitoring and accountability that ensures these policies translate into tangible improvements in the lives of Afghan women and girls. It calls for a cultural shift that values female education as the cornerstone of societal advancement and for international solidarity that recognizes the plight of Afghan women as a global issue requiring a united response. By providing educational opportunities for women and removing the obstacles can the country also attain the economic growth that it is in need of, as found out by Kabeer & Natali (2013), highlighting a win-win situation for the women and for the whole people of Afghanistan.

Ultimately, the path forward is one of resilience and hope—a vision of an Afghanistan where women and girls freely pursue their educational aspirations, contributing to the tapestry of their country's future with every lesson learned and every dream chased. This paper, grounded in the Capabilities Approach, offers not just a set of recommendations but a call to action: to envision and work towards an Afghanistan where education is a right enjoyed by all, unfettered by gender, and where every woman and girl can aspire to shape her destiny and the future of her nation. The journey is long, and challenges abound, but the promise of a brighter, more equitable Afghanistan is a goal worthy of our collective efforts.

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Insightful! Enjoyed reading and learning from it. Keep up the good work.

Bilal Omar Omari

Program Associate @HFX | Lifetime Member, National Political Science Honor Society | IIE Scholar | Salve 24’

9 个月

Impressive work Ebady Saeb!

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