"The Folly of Soft Hindutva?"

Bharat's first planning minister, Gulzarilal Nanda, reportedly said in 1956, “We can beat China and Russia (economically)—if we get public cooperation.”[5] Note that Sri Gulzarilal Nanda is wearing a Vaishnava Tilak on his forehead just as Srila Prabhupada recommends to his disciples.

Nikhil Menon, Assistant Professor of History at the University of Notre Dame wrote the following excerpt in his article - The Folly of Soft Hindutva. This article is published on the CENTER FOR THE ADVANCED STUDY OF INDIA website of the Ivy league college, University of Pennsylvania, that also is under fire for certain statements made by its president recently in connection with Gaza-Israel conflict. The following excerpt shows the intertwined politics of religion and religion of politics.

"After the Independence of India it became necessary to mold the thinking of the people who were likely to be impressed by the changing times and be susceptible to all kinds of indulgences. The country should be led by revered saints in character building and we should get co-operation from them and at the same time from ministers of the country so that they can know the true state of people. To accomplish this goal Gurudev(Yogeshwar Guru Gangeshwar) had several conversations and discussions in the past with Shri Gulzarilal Nanda. Now was the time to realize this and give form to this vision. Sant Tukdoji, Swami Shukdevanandji, disciple of Sadanandji , Swami Akhanadanandji? and other enthusiastic ?saints had great enthusiasm for the formation of the Sadhu Samaj. The idea now started catching up with others."[5]

"The Bharat Sadhu Samaj was established in early 1956 after a meeting between Congress politicians and sadhus (Hindu ascetics) at Birla Mandir in Delhi. Despite Nehru’s deep ambivalence about the venture, it was enthusiastically promoted by God-fearing national figures like President Rajendra Prasad and the Minister for Planning, Gulzarilal Nanda. The Samaj was instituted on the belief—shared by Congress and Hindu ascetics—that these holy men would help popularize the Five-Year Plans among the country’s devout millions."

"What the Congress Party would find, however, over the course of the following years, was that associating itself with Hindu causes would ultimately play into the hands of its political rivals, initially the Jan Sangh and eventually the BJP. The sadhus in this Samaj would prove hard to control, dragging the party into arenas where its secular commitments were ever more threatened, and where its competitors were bound to succeed."

"Take, for example, the career of the Bharat Sadhu Samaj’s first president, Tukdoji Mahraj. This one-time Gandhian and singer wound up becoming one of the founders and Vice-Presidents of the far-right Hindutva group, the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP). Gulzarilal Nanda’s political fate offers another warning. For this Cabinet Minister, two-time interim prime minister, and Congress stalwart, the chickens came home to roost when the very sadhus he had patronized launched an attack on Parliament. On November 7, 1966, sadhus led a crowd of nearly 125,000 in a march from Red Fort to Parliament as part of a nationwide agitation to ban cow slaughter. The marchers soon turned into a mob. Wielding trishuls, swords, and spears, they tried to breach Parliament. When repelled by police, they attacked the homes of Congress politicians and went on a rampage across the city, destroying property. The violence ended with eight dead, forty seriously injured, and eight hundred arrests. When the curfew was lifted two days later, in a sign of things to come, the Jana Sangh’s Atal Bihari Vajpayee defended one of the leaders of the mob in the Rajya Sabha. Gulzarilal Nanda, now the Home Minister, was compelled to resign. He was, after all, a long-time supporter of these sadhus and their cause as a gaurakshak (cow protector) himself. It effectively brought an end to an illustrious political career."

"Despite this, Indira Gandhi and the Congress Party persisted in their encouragement of the Bharat Sadhu Samaj. Worried—as the Congress and AAP are today—about seeming insufficiently solicitous of Hindu sentiment, they pandered to the Sadhu Samaj and sought to cultivate Hindu support. But, as ever, this supposedly secular party was playing with fire, and on terrain much better suited to avowedly majoritarian politics. At the 1989 Kumbh Mela, three years after the Rajiv Gandhi government fatefully sanctioned opening the locks to Babri Masjid, the Bharat Sadhu Samaj began associating itself with the BJP-backed Ram Janmabhoomi movement. Soon the Sadhu Samaj’s programs began to sound indistinguishable from that of the VHP, with several calls to “reclaim” the site of the mosque in Ayodhya for a Ram temple."

"The Bharat Sadhu Samaj had been created by the Congress. Their association with Congress was so clear that they began to be derisively referred to as “Congress Sadhus.” Despite the shock of the attack on Parliament in 1966, the Congress continued to indulge an organization that was committed to emotive and divisive policies such as cow-protection and beef bans. Congress politicians continued to sing their praises at Kumbh Melas to harvest Hindu votes. In 1989, the Sadhu Samaj—a child of the Congress—unsurprisingly rebelled and turned on its parent, allying itself informally to the VHP and BJP. By the end of the 1990s, the BJP had, over the course of just a decade and a half, surged from single digit to triple digit seats in Parliament, largely on the back of this successful Ram Janmabhoomi mobilization."

"In contemporary India—a Hindu nationalist India—even those opposed to the politics of communalization sometimes argue that religion is too powerful a resource to be left solely in the hands of the Sangh Parivar. The realistic path forward, they reason, is to parry the Hindutva thrust using Hinduism as a shield—either by making a display of Hindu faith and minimizing association with Muslim religiosity, or selectively choosing not to condemn Hindutva aggression. What this view underestimates is not just the theoretical “slippery slope,” but also the very real evidence of how such gambits have recently played out. Even when such a stance may seem tame by comparison to the viciousness of unadulterated Hindutva, it is likely to erode the ground under their feet. Also, less instrumentally, and much more importantly, it fails to come to terms with the true price of such a strategy—the daily fear and insecurity of millions of Indian Muslims."[1]

"Gulzarilal Nanda twice served as the acting Prime Minister of India. The first instance was in 1964 when Jawaharlal Nehru, the then Prime Minister, passed away. Nanda assumed office for a brief period until Lal Bahadur Shastri was elected as the new Prime Minister." [2]

"Nanda's second tenure as the acting Prime Minister occurred in 1966 after the sudden demise of Lal Bahadur Shastri. During this period, he held the position for thirteen days until Indira Gandhi took over as the Prime Minister." [3]

The politics of five year plans:

Cambridge university (Cambridge is not necessarily pro-Bharat) study writes:

"It also analyses a curious experiment—the enigmatic Bharat Sadhu Samaj (Indian Society of Ascetics). A brainchild of Gulzarilal Nanda, the devout Minister for Planning, its goal was to publicize the Plans using Hinduism as a resource. The attempt reveals how the Nehruvian state propagated Five Year Plans—the very symbol of secular technocracy and scientific modernity—using saffron-robed Hindu monks and ascetics. The startling long-term fallout of this project was the Sadhu Samaj’s drift towards Hindu nationalism." [3]

In this book, Nikhil Menon vividly illustrates how a single idea, when pursued with determination and vision, can have a profound impact on a nation. It sheds light on the importance of grassroots efforts in shaping policy and fostering democracy by the father of Indian Statistics Institute (ISI).The book is a captivating account of the evolution of planning in India, examining the role of renowned Prasanta Chandra Mahalanobis(Indian statistician), the Indian Statistical Institute (ISI) and the concept of participatory democracy. Menon adeptly weaves together history, politics, and societal change, shedding light on the pivotal moments that have shaped India's development strategies.Through meticulous research and engaging storytelling, Menon underscores the importance of grassroots efforts and citizen participation in the planning process. This book is not only a historical documentation but also an inspirational testament to the power of ideas and the potential for change in a diverse and complex democracy like India.

Menon's book delves into the fascinating and intricate relationship between planning, democracy, and development in India's postcolonial journey. It sheds light on how India, inspired by both Soviet-style economic management and Western-style democracy, embarked on an ambitious experiment to chart its own unique path to progress.

Here are some key takeaways from the book that I found particularly insightful:

• Data and Democracy: Menon explores how the planning process led to the creation of vast data infrastructure and statistical capabilities. This, in turn, had a profound impact on Indian democracy, influencing policy decisions, public debates, and even cultural expressions like Bollywood films.
• Walking a Tightrope: India's development journey under the planning model wasn't without its challenges. Balancing centralized planning with democratic ideals proved complex, with tensions arising between technocratic expertise and political accountability. Additionally, the focus on certain sectors of the economy may have led to inequalities and regional disparities.
• The Fusion of Ideas: Menon highlights how India sought to reconcile seemingly contradictory ideologies – centralized planning and democratic participation – in its quest for development. This resulted in a unique approach to nation-building, where planning became a central narrative and a tool for shaping both the economy and the political landscape.
• Beyond Economics: The Five-Year Plans, central to India's planning strategy, weren't just about economic targets. They also served as instruments for social change, education expansion, and infrastructure development. This broader vision aimed to create a more equitable and prosperous society.

Menon's book offers a valuable and thought-provoking analysis of India's postcolonial development experience. It challenges us to move beyond simplistic narratives and appreciate the nuances of this historical period. By understanding the complex interplay between planning, democracy, and development, we can gain valuable insights into India's present and future trajectory.

Reference:

1. University of Pennsylvania: https://casi.sas.upenn.edu/iit/nikhilmenon by Nikhil Menon, Assistant Professor of History at the University of Notre Dame.
2. https://argusenglish.in/article/politics/remembering-two-times-acting-prime-minister-gulzarilal-nanda-on-his-birth-anniversary
3. https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/abs/planning-democracy/salvation-in-service/D81C772A8074EA8E475C9A36E0967CF8
4. https://www.himalmag.com/nikhil-menon-democratic-planning-in-postcolonial-india/
5. https://gurugangeshwaranandjimaharaj.org/?p=1091