Essay on Border Walls - Updates on The War on Terror
Elián Loya Zú?iga
Erasmus Mundus Master's Degree Student in Journalism, Media, and Globalization
The following essay is a reflection and a critical update based on Jone's book 'Border Walls' (2012), which discusses the political context and the development of the War on Terror in the United States, India, and Israel. This was my final assignment for the course 'Political Geography' from the minor 'International Development Studies' at the Universiteit van Amsterdam taught by Virginie Mamadouh and Inge van der Welle. The text specifically focuses on the US/Mexico border.
Jones’ book?Border walls : security and the war on terror in the United States, India, and Israel?(2012) analyzes three different projects around border security, and looks at the meaning of the construction of physical barriers separating nations and states. The book argues that the representation of the other as an uncivilized enemy of modernity, and as omnipresent in the new era of globalization creates imaginaries that exacerbate feelings of fear and vulnerability within the population (2). This negative conceptualization of the other allows the state to justify the implementation of separatist practices. The border becomes the epitome of this division. A physical and mental disconnection that functions as a tool for states to strengthen ideas of sovereignty and of a “homogenized and orderly population inside a bounded territory.” (3) This creates imaginaries of belonging, setting legal and visual standards for those who are considered to be citizens and for those who are ‘aliens’, less worthy of human rights.
The book’s discursive analysis around the nation showcases how the notion of a homogeneous nation-state is a relatively recent project, which has thrived in the modern global system. Likewise, Jones et al. (2014) highlights how nations are “socially constructed and frequently contested.” (97) This can be seen in often debated conception of Palestine, as it has historically been a somewhat established group of peoples that has never fitted the definitions of a modern and independent nation-state, which in turn “allowed for a process of dispossession.” (Jones, 2012, 75) Indeed, the conceptualization of Palestine and of many other nations has suffered because they did not fit the modern global system, which has led to their perception as a threat.
Moreover, the era of globalization and neoliberalism in the late twentieth century brought about economic prosperity to many western nations, which trickled down to certain non-western urban centers that got incorporated into this new global system. Nonetheless, economic growth was not distributed evenly, and, in addition to an increase in population (especially in poorer areas within already poor countries), led to an even greater development imbalance between countries (Jones, 2012, 6). Despite the discourses around a borderless world, the threat of immigration, in addition to the global war on terror triggered after 9/11, led to the implementation of harsher border management practices.
The exclusionary and homogenizing intention of the wall in the creation of the nation is always contested. Throughout the book, the differences between the national discourse and the local understandings of the border are emphasized. For instance, Jones (2012) highlights how El Paso (US) and Jua?rez (MX) have a long shared history that interlinks their cultures and populations, which affects the ways in which the barrier is conceptualized in these regions compared to the mainstream discourses of the threatening other (105). Their local conception of the nation is different and their contestation against the ideal nationhood is perpetual. These may be some of the most relevant teachings from the book in relation to the course. Firstly, the idea of the nation is socially created and in constant debate and construction. Secondly, social and cultural heterogeneity is essential to comprehend the previous point. Indeed, local spaces will always show nuances that differ from the mainstream project of nationhood. Also, transnational practices, which refers to the practices implemented by immigrants that connect their homeland and their ‘foster’ nation, are more common and more visible than ever in a world defined by migration, globalization, and ever-present technological communication (Antonisch, 2018, 2). Ultimately, these contestations and local subjectivities reveal how political and deliberate the project of the nation is.
Updating the case study
As a Mexican citizen who grew up amidst the developments in homeland security discussed in Jones’ book (2012), I appreciate the analysis of the political narratives surrounding the perception of illegal Mexican migrants. The book highlights the relatively recent establishment of the modern political division in 1848, emphasizing the historical interconnections and coexistence in the border area for over a century (28). It was only after 9/11 that the border became a significant political concern in the US. These attacks served as catalysts for a restructuring of border security to counter potential threats to modern freedom (33). Since the book's publication, three presidents have influenced migration discourses and border security policies, which will be discussed further.
The book discusses the Secure Fence Act of 2006, which authorized the construction of extensive fencing and increased the use of vehicles and technology for border safety, policies that continued during Obama's first term (Jones, 2012, 45-49). Throughout at least half of Obama's second term, the Secure Communities Program remained active, aiming to involve local law enforcement in catching immigrants on a smaller scale nationwide (NBC News, 2014). This program ended in 2014 due to Obama's shift in immigration strategy and its lack of cooperation from local authorities and citizens (ibid). Even before Trump's presidency, over 700 miles of fencing had been built, including those under Obama's administration through the Secure Fence Act (Jacobo & Marshall, 2017). One example is the 2-kilometer, 5-meter fence constructed in Rancho Anapra near Ciudad Jua?rez, bordering New Mexico, during Obama's later period. This video press report from El Financiero Bloomberg (2016) highlights how this wall section deepened the division between communities. It affected religious practices such as binational Catholic masses that had taken place there for seventeen years (ibid). These examples demonstrate the cultural significance of practices beyond the policies and ideals of the homogeneous American nation.
During Trump's presidency, migration discourse and the portrayal of the illegal other became pervasive. Border security and immigration control were central to Trump's electoral promises, and his use of social media made him a quintessential public figure in the age of digitalization and globalization (DW Espan?ol, 2016). In Mexico, humorous reactions to the construction or expansion of the wall were widespread. The meme below humorously depicts Trump as a bricklayer building the wall, accompanied by the hashtags #TrumpPresident and #YaNosCargoElPayaso, roughly translated as "we are fucked." This comedic approach acknowledges the inevitability of the wall and reflects the negative perception among the Mexican population engaging with these discourses.
Figure 1
Mexican Meme - Trump Building the Wall
During Trump's administration, the public rejection of immigrant integration became more pronounced. Resources were redirected to the Department of Homeland Security, leading to intensified scrutiny of visa permits and asylum applications (Corona, 2020). In his final year, Trump used the COVID-19 pandemic to restrict migration permits, including those of university students, while also stopping border transit for several months (ibid). By the end of Trump's era, an additional 400 km had been built or upgraded, and Mexico and Guatemala were used as buffer zones for migrant waves from Central and South America (Corona, 2020). The administration implemented inhumane practices, including the separation of children from their families and their confinement in cages while awaiting processing (BBC News Mundo, 2018).
Figure 2
Migrants are seen outside the U.S. Border Patrol McAllen Station in a makeshift encampment in McAllen, Texas, U.S., May 15, 2019.
As Biden entered the presidency, the construction of new sections of the wall stopped thanks to an executive order, which was publicly praised by the Mexican president (Bump, 2023). Recently, more apprehensions have been recorded than in previous years, and the number of people seeking asylum and/or trying to cross has increased significantly (ibid). Moreover, Biden has recently ended the infamous Title 42, which was set by Trump during the pandemic to reject migrants more easily due to health concerns. Biden has replaced this by implementing Title 8, which makes it harder for migrants to apply for asylum, as the requirements become stricter under this new title, and the number of deportations is expected to increase (El Heraldo de Me?xico, 2023). This demonstrates that Biden’s approach to border security is more subtle than Trump’s, but it continues to follow similar goals such as a decrease in migration and an exclusionary image of who belongs and who does not.
Figure 3
Work has stopped on Trump’s border wall. See how it looks now.
Although Jones’ book (2012) covered most of the major pillars regarding the political contestation of the US-Mexico border, such as its history, the war on terror, and the nuances that the border represents, it still lacked the inclusion of discursive popular representations of the border and migration from the Mexican side. In many major Mexican television networks, the depiction of ‘coyotes’ or human traffickers along the border has become a daily occurrence. The networks often showcase the dangers of crossing, emphasizing the fact that many new migrant waves come from marginalized populations from countries like El Salvador and Venezuela (CNN en Espan?ol, 2022). These migrants entering through the southern Mexican border take the train ‘La Bestia’ to try and reach the US. The images of this voyage are constant and often gruesome, depicting the extremely inhumane and dangerous conditions that many are willing to undertake to reach the ‘American’ dream (El Universal, 2018).
Figure 4
Dejan caer un menor desde 5 metros para cruzar el muro fronterizo | Hablan las autoridades.
领英推荐
Reading Jones’?Border Walls?(2012) felt very much relevant in the way the analysis unveiled the construction of the threatening other, and in the ways in which the border represents a gray and nuanced contradiction that stands against the project of the nation. The book argues that these border management measures harm various social groups unevenly, while drug cartels have profited from the political decisions by gaining control of drug and human trafficking across the borders (122). In the past decade since the book was written and following the cartel empowerment that the book predicted, narco culture has been established in the common imaginaries of border towns both in Mexico and the US. The popularity of narcocorridos and narco-influencers on social media signifies an era of cultural dominance from one of the most feared groups - narcos (VICE, 2023). Ultimately, this analysis serves to showcase the continued relevance of all topics mentioned throughout the book, as well as further lines of research that have become pertinent in the current global, cultural, and political context.
Figure 5
Narcocorridos Vol. 1
Bibliography:
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Bump, P. (2023, January 11). Has Biden actually not built ‘one meter’ of border wall??The Washington Post. Retrieved Maay 23, 2023 from?https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/2023/01/11/biden-mexico-border-wall/
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