The Day Shibuya Burned: A Riot That Shaped Japan’s Political Landscape

Halloween in Shibuya 2024 was a comparatively sedate affair. The ward office has been implementing greater and greater restrictions on revelers in an attempt to quell disorder. This has been an ongoing process since at least 2018, when drunken holiday revelers overturned a truck. The process accelerated post-COVID after the 2022 Seoul Halloween Crowd Crush, which killed 159 people. So, if one mentions Shibuya and the word “riot,” it might seem out of place. But on Sunday, November 14, 1971, Shibuya—and Japan—were caught in a very different moment.

The Backdrop of Unrest: Okinawa and Far-Left Movements

In the early 1970s, Japan witnessed a society grappling with the legacies of war and occupation. The country was undergoing profound transformations: the economic boom had catapulted Japan into the global arena, but Japan’s political direction—and the lingering presence of the United States—was a point of intense contention. In particular, the return of Okinawa to Japanese sovereignty, still shadowed by U.S. military presence, ignited fierce opposition. This Okinawa Reversion Agreement, under negotiation by the Japanese Sato Cabinet, became a rallying cry for leftist groups who saw the terms as preserving an imperial foothold on Japanese soil.

On November 10, a general strike broke out in Okinawa to protest the agreement, spiraling into violent clashes that culminated in the tragic death of a Ryukyu Police sergeant. Anti-government groups across Japan saw this as an opportunity to escalate the protests. Among the most radical of these factions was the National Committee of the Revolutionary Communist League, known as Chukaku-ha. This group had previously mobilized against U.S.-Japanese security agreements, but the Okinawa issue offered a fresh, visceral point of agitation.

The 11/14 Nationwide Rally for a Great Tokyo Riot Struggle

With the Okinawa Reversion Agreement still under debate in the Diet, Chukaku-ha set its sights on Tokyo. Planning to ignite a major confrontation, they organized a rally titled the “11/14 Nationwide Rally for a Great Tokyo Riot Struggle” in Shibuya’s Miyashita Park. On the day of the event, rally organizers instructed their followers to “use every weapon you can, including Molotov cocktails, iron pipes, and of course bombs, to spark civil unrest in the capital.”

The Tokyo Metropolitan Police Department anticipated potential violence and activated a security headquarters for the first time since the anti-Sato demonstrations two years earlier. They mobilized 12,000 officers, including reinforcements from neighboring prefectures, and shut down department stores and pedestrian areas. As a result, Shibuya’s usually bustling Sunday shopping district fell quiet in a state of high alert.

The Attack on Shibuya: Initial Confrontations

At 2:05 p.m., Chukaku-ha members launched their assault, targeting police stations at Kamikitazawa and Sengawa with Molotov cocktails. This was merely a prelude. Around 3:00 p.m., Chukaku-ha members dressed in civilian attire, hiding among ordinary crowds, suddenly donned white helmets and began attacking riot police with iron pipes and Molotov cocktails near Shibuya Station.

At the Kamiyama Police Station, a squad of Niigata Prefectural riot police found themselves ambushed by approximately 150 Chukaku-ha militants. Under a volley of Molotov cocktails, the police retreated, rolling on the ground to extinguish flames as their comrades covered them with fire extinguishers. Despite their efforts, the attackers continued to advance, seizing upon one officer, a 21-year-old Niigata squad member known as Officer N. The militants surrounded him, beating him with iron pipes and dousing him in gasoline. Officer N, trapped and unable to escape, was engulfed in flames after several Molotov cocktails were hurled at him. The flames reportedly reached up to five meters high.

Aftermath of Officer N’s Death: A Symbol of Escalating Violence

By the time police reinforcements reached Officer N, he was unrecognizable; his body blackened beyond identification. He was confirmed dead the following night, on November 15. The death of Officer N, which was widely reported, left an indelible mark on Japanese society. His father, who traveled from Sado Island to Tokyo, expressed both pride in his son’s dedication and horror at the violence his son faced.

Officer N’s death became a focal point in the broader struggle against political radicalism in Japan. The government awarded him a posthumous promotion to Detective Inspector, and his story served as a rallying cry for law enforcement and the public alike. Meanwhile, Shibuya's streets bore the scars of that Sunday: shattered windows, charred storefronts, and vandalized businesses.

The Riot Spreads: Civilian Casualties and Widespread Destruction

Civilian casualties mounted as the violence spread beyond confrontations with police. The Chukaku-ha labeled vigilante groups of shopkeepers attempting to protect their businesses as “counter-revolutionaries” and attacked them as well. In one instance, at the “Brazil” coffee shop in Dogenzaka, Chukaku-ha members smashed windows and attacked a store employee with a riot stick, inflicting a deep gash that required stitches. Other civilians, too, suffered injuries as the militants set fires and destroyed property with seemingly indiscriminate fury.

In Shibuya’s commercial district, over 85% of shops remained closed, losing valuable revenue on a day traditionally busy with the Shichi-Go-San Festival. The financial toll on local businesses was estimated to be in the billions of yen.

Barricades and Explosions

As the day wore on, Chukaku-ha militants expanded their assault. They constructed a barricade across National Route 246 using stolen construction materials, blocking a key road in central Tokyo. That afternoon, police officers at Ikebukuro Station observed nearly 100 militants carrying bamboo poles on the Yamanote Line platform. When officers attempted to intervene, a Molotov cocktail exploded within the train, injuring nine people, including five passengers and four Chukaku-ha members. One female protester sustained severe burns and later succumbed to complications from her injuries.

The Response of the Police and Public Sentiment

In the aftermath of the riot, the police conducted a thorough investigation. More than 300 people were arrested in connection with the events in Shibuya alone, while subsequent trials implicated key figures like Fumiaki Hoshino and Masaaki Osaka. Osaka, in particular, eluded capture for decades before finally being apprehended in 2017. Evidence gathered during trials suggested that Hoshino and Osaka were leaders in the assault, inciting their followers to target and kill police officers.

The death of Officer N and the devastation in Shibuya generated widespread public condemnation. The sheer brutality displayed by the militants shocked Japanese society, drawing a clear line between what could be considered legitimate protest and unrestrained violence. In response, Japanese authorities took increasingly stringent measures against Chukaku-ha and other militant factions, moving to curtail public assemblies, demonstrations, and publications promoting violent dissent.

Long-Term Impact on Far-Left Movements in Japan

The Shibuya Riots marked a turning point for Japan’s far left. Although Chukaku-ha claimed the riot as a symbolic victory, in reality, it became a critical blow to their movement. The riot underscored the government’s resolve to crack down on radical groups, and Chukaku-ha leaders faced extensive surveillance and arrests in the following months and years. By the end of 1971, many leaders had been detained, and public support for far-left movements waned considerably.

Takashi Tachibana, a journalist who documented the era’s tumultuous political landscape, observed that while the Shibuya Riot might have been intended to inspire resistance, it ultimately exposed the fragmentation and diminishing strength of Chukaku-ha. The faction’s tactics had alienated much of the public, leaving them isolated and vulnerable to government suppression.

Masaaki Osaka’s Escape and the Long Pursuit for Justice

The November 14, 1971, events left an indelible mark on Japanese society. Still, perhaps no figure emerged more notorious from the Shibuya riots than Masaaki Osaka, a Chukaku-ha member suspected of leading the brutal attack on Officer N. Osaka, evading capture for decades, became a symbol of Japan’s internal struggle with political radicalism and the lengths to which the Chukaku-ha would go to protect one of its own.

Osaka vanished from public view in November 1973, leaving behind a fractured family. The fallout from his alleged involvement in the killing devastated his relatives, particularly his father, who had not known about Osaka’s ties to the radical left. In the wake of the incident, Osaka’s sister lost her job, her engagement was called off, and their father disowned him, even burning Osaka’s belongings and moving out of their family home. Haunted by guilt, his father reportedly lamented, “I should never have sent him to Tokyo,” and passed away a few years later, still burdened by the consequences of his son’s actions.

Despite Osaka’s absence, the legal pursuit continued. Under Article 254, Paragraph 2 of Japan’s Code of Criminal Procedure, the statute of limitations on Osaka’s case was suspended due to his accomplice Okumiyama’s ongoing trial. In 2010, Japan abolished the statute of limitations for murder, ensuring that the investigation into Osaka’s role would persist indefinitely.

Hiding in Plain Sight: Support Networks and Elusive Tactics

For nearly 46 years, Osaka managed to elude one of Japan’s largest manhunts. The Tokyo Metropolitan Police Department, after years of limited success, finally obtained clues from a search of a Chukaku-ha hideout in Tachikawa, Tokyo, in March 2012. Within the coded documents recovered, police found evidence that Osaka had been receiving support from the Chukaku-ha, staying in secret hideouts as recently as February 2012 and even receiving treatment at a hospital in Gunma Prefecture. This discovery was a major breakthrough in the investigation, revealing a highly organized network devoted to shielding Osaka.

In January 2016, it emerged that Osaka had been hiding in a rented apartment in Kita-ku, Tokyo, from 2007 to 2008. Responding to renewed interest, authorities offered a special investigation reward of 3 million yen for information leading to his arrest. However, Osaka’s network remained resilient and well-resourced, allowing him to continue living in the shadows.

In May 2017, police finally closed in on Osaka. Conducting a raid on a Chukaku-ha hideout in Hiroshima’s Asaminami Ward, authorities encountered a man who initially resisted identification. He was found attempting to dissolve documents in a bathtub, signaling that he was deeply embedded in the clandestine operations of the group. DNA tests later confirmed his identity as Masaaki Osaka. The police discovered wiretapping devices and an extensive list of phone numbers for senior members of the National Police Agency and other key officials—proof of the Chukaku-ha’s commitment to counter-surveillance.

The raid also revealed that the Chukaku-ha had funded Osaka’s evasion for decades. Documents showed that Osaka’s supporters contributed millions of yen annually, paying 200,000 yen for each hideout and an additional 2.5 to 3 million yen per year for his needs. The Chukaku-ha continued to support Osaka as a fugitive, raising money through personal connections and former members who had become successful professionals.

The Complex Mechanics of Evasion

The length and sophistication of Osaka’s evasion tactics underscored the loyalty and resources of the Chukaku-ha network. Nomura Hatamori, a researcher on political radicalism in Japan, highlighted the methods Osaka and his supporters used to protect his identity. They employed forged documents and borrowed IDs to avoid surveillance, while Chukaku-ha members meticulously planned travel routes to bypass security cameras and police checkpoints.

Osaka also took extensive precautions with his health, fearing that any hospitalization might expose his identity. To reduce the risk of food poisoning, he avoided high-risk foods, received annual flu vaccinations under false names, and adhered to strict safety protocols in his hideouts.

In January 2020, a further twist in the story emerged. A town council member from Akiota Town, Hiroshima Prefecture, along with two Chukaku-ha activists, was investigated on suspicion of fraud for allegedly setting up a false bank account to transfer rent payments to Osaka’s hideout. Claiming they needed a residence for “supporting children in Fukushima” following the 2011 nuclear disaster, they had secured the rental under the guise of humanitarian aid, demonstrating the network’s ingenuity in maintaining its operations.

The Legal Battle and Media Scrutiny

Osaka’s capture brought intense media attention, scrutinizing his actions during the Shibuya riot and the Chukaku-ha’s efforts to protect him. Shortly after his arrest in 2017, Asahi Shimbun ran a report stating that Osaka had poured oil on Officer N’s collar, a statement attributed to one of Osaka’s former comrades. This report led Osaka’s legal team to file a complaint with Asahi Shimbun’s Press and Human Rights Committee (PRC), arguing that the article presented accusations as fact and risked misleading readers about Osaka’s alleged actions. The PRC found the report appropriate at the investigative stage but recommended caution, noting the potential for bias in reporting cases of this complexity.

The Legacy of Osaka’s Capture

After nearly five decades on the run, Osaka's capture marked the end of one of Japan’s most prolonged fugitive cases. It underscored the extent of Japan’s domestic political struggle with militant leftist movements. The Chukaku-ha’s commitment to sheltering him became a hallmark of their dedication to the anti-establishment cause. The arrest further weakened the splintered faction and underscored the intense ideological divides within Japanese society from the 1970s.

For Japan, Osaka’s evasion symbolized the enduring impact of the political unrest that shook the nation in the 1970s. The story of Masaaki Osaka serves as a potent reminder of the radical fervor of that era, the lengths to which activist networks would go to protect their members, and the complicated legacy of ideological warfare on Japan’s public psyche.

The Impact of November 14, 1971

The Shibuya Riots remain a potent reminder of the volatile political climate in Japan during the 1970s. They reflect a complex period when Japan’s young radicals sought to challenge both domestic governance and foreign influence but often did so at a heavy cost. The violence of November 14 revealed not only the extremity of leftist militancy but also the limits of public tolerance for such tactics.

While Japan’s far-left has since faded from the mainstream, the events of that day linger in public memory as a cautionary tale about the risks of ideological extremism. For Shibuya, now a global symbol of Japanese youth culture and fashion, the legacy of the 1971 riots serves as a stark contrast to the modern-day Halloween celebrations, where order is strictly enforced, and memories of past violence serve as a distant but enduring shadow.