'Close-up' of African history - Edward B. Rugumayo's memoir 'Why fireflies glow'

In a nutshell

• Why Fireflies glow offers ‘a memoir’ of Edward Rugumayo’s life in two main parts.
• The first part narrates his childhood, youth, and education at Nyakasura (Western Uganda), Makerere University (Kampala in Central Uganda) and Universities of London and Liverpool (Britain).
• The second part takes us into the center of Ugandan political ruptures and struggles that are embodied in the ‘3000 nights of terror’ of the regime of Idi Amin.
• It takes us the reader through the volatile period between the overthrow of Amin and the onset of the second reign of Obote (ushered in by unfree, forged elections)

Introduction and Motivation

Among the most valuable writings are those of the long-lived. Think of the autobiography of Bertrand Russell, published when he was over 90 years old. Think of the bestselling books of Helmut Schmidt; chancellor of the Federal Republic of Germany 1973-1982, who published his bestselling books after the age of 70. Think of Edward Bitanywaine (B.) Rugumayo who published his memoir last year (2023), aged 89.?

All three men were keen thinkers and writers about historic trends and socio-political dynamics for some or most of their lives; two of them held various exposed public offices – for instance, both Schmidt and Rugumayo held classical cabinet posts (defense, finance and economy the former; internal affairs and economy the latter – sadly perhaps, the memoir ends in 1986, before he took those ministries). All three faced the powers that be, and these are defining moments which formed, and made visible, courage and integrity, probably underpinned by a good deal of stubbornness that, I would hypothesize, in all three cases roots in education and the spirit of their parental and/or family homes.

I had the wonderful luck to meet Edward Rugumayo and learn from him in occasional, invaluable conversations between 2010 and 2016. I worked at the Mountains of the Moon University that he and his colleagues and leaders of the Kabarole region (heartland of the Batooro, one of the Bantu language and cultural groups of Uganda) founded in 2005[1]. Indeed, I was awaiting his memoirs to come out; and when I learned that ‘Why Fireflies glow’ had been published, I immediately purchased it (the e-book is available everywhere).

An original voice of (East) African history

In Europe, Bitanywaine Rugumayo might be the least known of these interesting characters; reflecting a problem of African history writing: Its own voices have long been overheard or drowned out; African history has long been written by others; and others’ perspectives have shaped it. A prime example is Meredith [2005], a relatable and quick-to-understand political history of Africa since the mid-20th century. Unfortunately, and that may be the reason it is relatable and quick-to-understand, it is rife with distinct European exasperation of African politicians and office-holders who plunge their people into misery.

Rugumayo takes a very different stand; discussing at the forefront the entanglement and deliberate moves of the imperialists – that is, the European powers, particularly Britain, as well as the USA – in the sorrows of Africa. This is uncomfortable for the European reader. For instance, he narrates how Ugandans during World War II were pondering if they preferred Britain or Germany to win – as colonized people, they did not see too much difference between these imperial powers. Noteworthy, Rugumayo’s father Omunyoro, who features as a sceptical and critical mind in young Rugumayo’s life, ‘argued that the Germans were worse than the British because stories of their brutality in Tanganyika were quite common in our area, just as were stories about Belgian inhumanity‘. Whereas some youth – as in every people embarking on war – saw joining the army as an adventurous opportunity, many opposed ‘young men to be slaughtered for a war we had not started and knew nothing about.’

Why Fireflies glow offers is an invaluable account of history; though some sections are probably a bit tedious to read for the non-Ugandan. A lot of local places and names are called up without explaining where and who they are.[2] All in all, these make the reading authentic.

Roots of an educator’s and environmentalist’s life

Part I offers colourful, sensible insights into live and its changes in rural Uganda in the late colonial and early independence period; as well as into the socio-cultural context of the kingdom of Tooro. This was one of the five historical Bantu-kingdoms that emerged in the area of today’s Uganda between the 10th and 19th century.

Part I also reminds us that Rugumayo is one of the first environmentalists of Africa. In the 1980s and 90s (though that is outside of this memoir), he interacted with Maathai Wangari, the founder of the Green Belt Movement and 1st African Woman to receive the Nobel Peace Prize (2004). Women are presented with wonderful respect and appreciation throughout the memoir. Most of them feature rather in domestic-supportive roles, such as mother and wives (Rugumayo re-married after his first wife died of cancer in 1972), or his brave and faithful secretary when he was minister of education. He notes that Museveni’s army in the 1980s (which became the national defence force) comprised of both men and women.

The sad and bloody rise of ‘Aminism’ in Uganda (1971-1979)

Part II starts with Rugumayo joining Idi Amin’s government as Minister for Education in 1971, from a teaching staff position at his revered Makerere University. In 1973, he was the first minister to flee into exile. Until 1979, he worked as academic teacher and administrator in Zambia, where he build his first very successful natural science training institute. It graduated many fine scientist and teachers from and for all over Sub-Sahara-Africa.

Rugumayo’s narrative and reflections of this period are highly worthwhile not just because they offer a unique document of an important phase of Ugandan and East African history. It always saddens me that most Germans, maybe Europeans, only know ‘Idi Amin’ when they hear Uganda. Yet, it is true that this regime has shaped Uganda’s socio-political institutions and dynamics up to today. Idi Amin has become the stereotype of the African Dictator that Europeans with joyful horror entertain.

Rugumayo documents how the British mingled actively in the overthrow of Obote and tried ‘to puppet’ Idi Amin in his early period as president. A sad and intellectually embarrassing exercise, as every (imperialist) power that entertains client regimes finds out time and again – the list does not start with Britain and Amin and does not end with Britain and the USA in Persia (Reza Pahlevi) or Irak (Saddam Hussein) or China in North Korea (the Kim family).

Rugumayo sees ‘Aminism’ foremost as a product of European imperialism, created and allowed to spread devastation by European power games. It is thought provoking to compare Rugumayo’s take on Amin with that by aforementioned Meredith. Rugumayo compares Amin to Hitler, he is clear about the terrorizing and murderous character of the man and the regime from the beginning. Meredith narrates some of the same events, and though he notes the failure of the British to intercept the brutal officer they have deployed, he hardly raises above laying the responsibility at himself, for being cunningly evil, and at Obote, for being self-destructively elitist. Rugumayo captures a feel for the context of its time; it was the very first military coup in Uganda, and it ended a bloodstained regime, known as Obote I. At that moment, it was not clear to Ugandans – as opposed to Britain’s foreign and secret services – how much of that bloodstaining had been due to Amin already.[3]

It is insightful to follow the difficult choices that people make under increasingly dysfunctional circumstances, such as a political order turning into military dictatorship and then reign of terror. Rugumayo enters politics as an educator, as well as an ambitious young man for sure, but above all because of personal relationships with various others in and around the cabinet, both before and after the coup d’etat, particularly Amin’s 1st foreign minister Wanume Kibedi.

The courageous struggle for a new political order (1979-81)

Between 1979 and 1981, Rugumayo was, as part of the ‘gang of four’, a key player in creating a new political order following the military ouster of the Amin-regime. In 1981, the political system that his comrades and he promoted, under the presidency of G. L. Binaisa, was eliminated by military coup.

Institutional Settings – the interplay of organisations and formal and informal rules – do not usually implode at a moment. There are long phases of diffuse changes, which may sum up to deterioration. As Rugumayo and his collaborators Dani Nabudere, Omwony Ojok, and Yash Tandon (the ‘gang of four’) between 1979 and 1980 found affirmed, it is even much harder to induce change that sums up to building open and inclusive institutions. He criticizes both Obote and Museveni for the failure of Uganda’s first attempt? for an ‘open access social order’. The term ‘democratic’ is more widely known, and used by Rugumayo himself. I suggest the less intuitive but more specific ‘open access’ concept from North, Wally, and Weingast (2009), because I would like to argue that the result of this experiment is not historically surprising or unique; which makes it the more heroic and courageous, though some might be tempted to perceive it as somewhat na?ve.

Rugumayo, on the other hand, sees the forces behind the failure of Uganda’s first democratic institutional order in the militaristic approach of Museveni and Obote (and previously Amin), who are facilitated by imperialistic forces. This appoints more impact to external, rather than internal socio-political dynamics. For instance, de Waal’s (2005) analytical framework, underpinned with empirical evidence from East Africa, supports this view.[4] However, part of de Waal’s analysis is the ubiquitous proliferation of arms and medial interconnectivity that did not exist in the late 1970s/ early 1980s. ?

Rugumayo, I believe, is not a proponent of the ‘great men make history’ paradigm. Nonetheless, his memoir – perhaps naturally so, given the genre – reads to some degree like that. He takes a lot of effort to reflect and explain the individual characters of Amin, as well as other actors during the drama that unfolds, particularly the short-term presidents Lule and Binaisa, and of Museveni and to a lesser degree Obote. It is engaging to read because we do also meet other historical figures such as Kauna (1st president of Zambia), Nkrumah (1st president of Ghana) and particularly Nyerere (1st president of Tanzania), among others. Rugumayo admires all three.

Indeed, I am bound to question if he is critical enough of Nyerere’s role. Rugumayo points out clearly how Nyerere’s government enabled the military overthrow of the legitimate Ugandan president (Binaisa) and destruction of the institutions that were created based on the ‘spirit of Moshi’, and the subsequent illegitimate return of Obote to power. Differently from Rugumayo, Museveni cut ties with his former mentor Nyerere and fought and in 1986 overthrew ‘Obote II’ (respectively its military successor Tito Okello) and created a new, legitimate institutional order.

Concluding remarks

Edward Rugumayo’s book is very engaging and thought provoking to read, an indispensable African voice, and surprisingly candid about the man, 10 years junior to Rugumayo, who has been ruling Uganda ever since 1986. Moreover, we glimpse quite a bit about many of the men who form part of that rule, because he met them as students when Rugumayo was teacher in Makerere, minister of education and professor in Zambia respectively. Of course, it is always fun to read about places one knows – for instance, my wife went to the same school where Rugumayo’s wife was a head mistress; of course in totally separate decades. His readers are hopeful to read a third part of Rugumayo’s memoir: That would deepen topics touched here in passing; such as his environmental activism, serving as minister in some of Museveni’s cabinets and supporting creation of universities in Uganda.

[1] A documentary of MMU’s first 10 years is available here: www.researchgate.net/publication/288835357_10_years_MMU_-_visions_struggles_achievements (date accessed 20th May 2024).

[2] I may also note that the book would have benefited from a more thorough lector. There are some repetitions and a few inaccuracies, sometimes of dates or sequences, and wording like in sentences like ‘stories about Belgian inhumanity to the Banking.’ They show that this memoir – carefully not an autobiography – is based on many original notes, thankfully kept and organized across the passage of time.

[3] As a side note, really everybody – Rugumayo, Meredith, Lee Kuan Yew (prime minister of Singapore 1959-1990 – Obote was in Singapore for a Commonwealth summit when he was overthrown in 1971), Museveni – appears to agree that Obote was an exceptionally inept and dishonest leader. He forged any election he ever stood, and he was overthrown twice by his own military leaders, so it is hard to argue against the verdict (even for himself, really, when reading some of his later interviews).

[4] www.researchgate.net/publication/334614478_Governance_and_the_political_entrepreneur_-_de_Waal_The_Real_Politics_of_the_Horn_of_Africa_Cambridge_Polity_Press (date accessed 20th May 2024).