Celebrating a Year of Leadership and Learning: My YALI Journey and the Enduring Lessons from This Is Africa ...
Mangeni Wycliffe Obwoya
Chief Technologies Officer @ Dell Wall Technologies | Team Lead IT Support & Consultancy
Growing up in Africa, I’ve had dreams of wandering to far-off lands—Australia's sunburnt coasts, Stonehenge, attend the vikings festival in Shetland, Ireland's green hills, South Korea's bustling streets, or the hallowed grounds of Gettysburg, Pennsylvania.
I've longed to stand where the first and most fiercest modern battle in the Southern Hemisphere unfolded, to walk and scale Little Round Top Hill, Cemetery Hill, Big round top Seminary Hill, and witness Pickett's Charge. Go to the Arlington National Cemetery, once Confederate Commander General Robert E. Lee's home beckons me too, as does the haunting silence of Auschwitz, Waterloo's echoes of Napoleon's final stand, and the muddy trenches of the Somme Yet, despite these dreams, I've never considered leaving Africa for "greener pastures." This continent, I believe in it, and with all its flawed beauty, is home.
Twelve months ago, I embarked, or rather commenced from the YALI RLC EA fellowship, a transformative journey that deepened my understanding of Africa's history and its ongoing struggles, and gave me a renewed pride in my homeland, AFRIKA. The four-week program was a whirlwind experience that passed almost as if on fast-forward. Initially, everyone seemed fiercely territorial, protecting their turf, it happen in every gathering considering that we are learning the ropes of this new engagement. However, by weeks two and three, we'd become family—brothers and sisters from 13 East and Central African states, bonded like boarding school kids. I often joke about how well-connected I am now, with siblings who, if anyone dared to mess with me, would easily punch a few of your teeth out for my sake. This fierce loyalty kinda reminds me of my cousin Keeka's childhood war chant: Niifwe aba-huno, Hwiicha ohu-ba-huya! Loosely translated, it means: "We are the natives of this place, and we shall beat you if you joke!" The moment we heard him start that chant, we knew it was time to throw punches. You know those football matches we used to play in the courtyards of our very large extended family. The Obwoyas vs the Gulobas, or the Osodos were pure childhood mayhem.
Interestingly, during the fellowship, most of my peers found my surname, Mangeni, a tongue-twister. To save everyone the trouble, I told them to call me "Fish"—and it stuck. In no time, I was "Big Fish," "Mr. Fish," and simply "The Big Fish." It became my YALI identity, and I wore it proudly, even today.
In week two or three, forgive my foggy memory, for I am ageing pretty faster than I had anticipated, we tackled a fascinating module called This Is Africa (TIAF). It was pure joy for me, as someone obsessed with history—particularly African history from 1870 to 1980. It offered an escape from the creative challenges of modules like The 7 Habits of Highly Effective People (begin with the end in mind and sharpening the saw ) and Design Thinking, and formulating the How might we help Mr. Fish to write better? Hahaha This Is Africa gave me respite to understand Africa better, as we delved deep into the complexities of our continent's past, its bewildering post-independence struggles, and the grip of modern-day neocolonialism staged by the former colonial masters .
As we explored Africa's colonial history, one undeniable fact became clear: the continent's current political and economic struggles are deeply tied to the agreements and treaties brokered by European powers during the 19th century. Take, for instance, the Heligoland-Zanzibar Treaty of 1890, the treaty responsible partly for the formation of current East African states of Uganda, Kenya and Tanzania(Tanganyika, Zanzibar). The Heligoland-Zanzibar Treaty of 1890 was a pivotal agreement between Germany and Great Britain that shaped colonial boundaries and alliances in Africa and Europe. Signed on July 1, 1890, the treaty sought to resolve ongoing disputes over territorial claims, particularly in Africa, while also addressing European strategic interests.
And what were some of the key provisions of this treaty?
1. Germany's Sphere in East Africa: The treaty defined Germany's influence in East Africa, granting them control over Tanganyika (modern-day mainland Tanzania) while recognizing British dominance in Kenya and Uganda. This delineation was critical in reducing direct conflicts between the two? European powers in the region.
2. Cession of Heligoland: Britain ceded the small North Sea island of Heligoland to Germany. The island held strategic value for Germany, as it provided a naval base close to their North Sea coast and facilitated future naval expansions, including during World War I.
3. British Dominance in Zanzibar: The treaty affirmed British control over the Sultanate of Zanzibar (present-day Zanzibar and coastal areas of Tanzania), where Britain had economic and strategic interests, particularly in the Indian Ocean.
4. Impact on African Borders: The agreement also detailed borders with other territories influenced by prior accords, including the Berlin Conference of 1884-1885. These boundaries often disregarded local ethnic, cultural, and political structures, leading to long-term socio-political challenges in post-colonial Africa.
In the cooking heat of a Berlin summer, two European powers, Germany (Germany was just smoking hot from its Unification spearheaded by Prussia) and Great Britain, gathered to sign a treaty that would change the course of African history. The Heligoland-Zanzibar Treaty, signed on July 1, 1890, was a masterclass in strategic politics.
Germany, eager to expand its colonial empire, had been eyeing the African continent for some time. The treaty allowed them to gain control over Tanganyika (modern-day mainland Tanzania), while Britain secured dominance over Kenya and Uganda.
But what seemed like a simple exchange of territories had far-reaching implications. The treaty marked the beginning of a new era of colonial competition, as European powers scrambled to carve up the African continent.
For Germany, the treaty was a strategic coup. By gaining control over Tanganyika, they secured access to the Indian Ocean and a vital trade route. But for Britain, the treaty was a necessary evil. By ceding Heligoland to Germany, they avoided a potentially costly war and secured their dominance over the seas.
But what about the African people? The treaty was signed without their input or consent. Their lands were divided, their cultures suppressed, and their futures were determined by the whims of European powers.
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From this treaty, one might quip that ... the treaty was like a chess game between Germany and Britain, where African nations were merely the pawns on the board. The cession of Heligoland might also be likened to Britain, saying, "Take the island and leave us the spice!"—a reflection of their priority on controlling trade routes and resources in Zanzibar.
As the ink dried on the treaty, the fate of Africa was sealed. The continent would be torn apart by colonial rivalries, its people forced to fight in wars that were not their own.
To this day, the Heligoland-Zanzibar Treaty serves as a classic example of how colonial powers used treaties to assert dominance, ignoring the socio-political fabric of the colonized regions. It underscores the roots of neocolonial influences, as former colonial powers continue to wield significant economic and political influence over African states, perpetuating the legacy of such agreements.
Then there's the Treaty of Berlin (1884-1885)—the infamous Berlin Conference that carved Africa into pieces. With no African representatives at the table, European nations decided who would exploit which region, sowing the seeds for conflicts that persist today. Reducing african states/kingdoms down to simple ethnicities and tribes.? Congo (Brazaville/Kinshasha) Sudan(British and French) forming Nigeria, a mosaic of over 250 ethnic groups, was heaped into a single colony. Rwanda and Burundi, once harmonious kingdoms, were split between Germany and Belgium, laying the groundwork for future ethnic tensions.
The French, too, left their mark. The Franco-British Agreement of 1898, also known as the Fashoda Incident resolution, saw both nations settle disputes over Sudan. While the two powers reached an agreement, the Sudanese people faced decades of exploitation and unrest.
Portugal was no exception. Treaties like the Anglo-Portuguese Treaty of 1891 allowed Portugal to maintain control over Angola and Mozambique, exploiting these territories for labour and resources while suppressing any attempts at self-determination.
These treaties weren't just about land—they were about resources. The discovery of gold in South Africa, rubber in the Congo, and oil in Nigeria turned these territories into cash cows for their colonizers, leaving behind a legacy of economic dependence that persists to this day.
Fast forward to the present day Africa, and the influence of former colonial powers is still palpable. France, for example, maintains a very tight grip on its former colonies in west, central africa through mechanisms like the CFA franc, a currency controlled by the French treasury. This economic stranglehold keeps countries like Senegal, Mali, Niger, Burkina Faso, Cameroon and C?te d'Ivoire reliant on France, undermining their sovereignty. It has left these states as economic eunuchs whose desires to father a child requires a help of another man or an expensive IVF operation.
In British Commonwealth [not sure about what is common in this Commonwealth] nations, remnants of colonial influence linger in the form of legal systems, trade agreements, and even political alliances. The United Kingdom still wields considerable influence in? Uganda and often dictates terms through aid and investment.
Portugal's Lusophone or whatever they call it are a collection of former colonies, such as Angola and Mozambique that struggle with the aftershocks of prolonged exploitation. Despite their independence, these nations face challenges in building sustainable economies and democratic institutions.
As I reflect on these realities we discussed during the This is Africa module, I couldn't help but think of the irony. How can a continent so rich in resources remain so impoverished? How can nations that fought valiantly for independence still find themselves tethered to their former colonizers? Doesn't it beat common sense if you come to think of it?
It's a sobering reminder that independence is not a one-time event but an ongoing struggle. The treaties and agreements of the past laid the foundation for neocolonialism, and dismantling these systems requires unity, resilience, and visionary leadership.
As Fish, I'll continue to ask these questions and tell these stories—not because I have all the answers, but because Africa deserves a narrative that is honest, unapologetic, and, above all, our own. A happy first anniversary to cohort 54, YALI RLC East Africa.
THIS IS AFRICA ...
Oh, BTW, and as a last last question, does a fish sleep?