Can this revolution change Bangladesh?
Shahinul Khalisdar
Tax Advisor | Business Advisor/ Taxation Expertise/ Enrolled Agent (EA)/Master of Science in Taxation (MST)/ Author
The fundamental truth is that a nation built on lies and fabrication is impossible to lead and govern. Whether it's a simple tribal leader or an empire, it is essential to maintain truthful stories. No matter how much you try to establish a lie, it will eventually fail and destroy the nation, leading to an identity crisis and anarchy. People with identity crises always pose problems to society.
An individual's, family's, tribal, and religious identity is of utmost importance to a normal human being. It serves as a guiding light, providing insight into a person's potential behaviors and actions. This sacred identity, unique to each individual, is a cornerstone of our responsibility for our own deeds and actions. With 8 billion people in the world, our identities and thinking processes are as distinct as our fingerprints, ensuring that we are each uniquely different.
The root cause of the many problems in the Indian subcontinental is the Muslim League. They used certain techniques to inflate the Muslim population in the Indian subcontinent, which led to deep identity crises.?
After the Permanent Settlement Act in 1793, the Hindu Rajputs, known as Raj Bari and Zamindars, became autonomous rulers of Pargana and Mouza in the Indian subcontinent. They made the Muslim-named people Proza, who were not free and were not allowed to receive an education. They were forced to eat Panta Bhat to maintain their inferior status. Proza were also prohibited from wearing shoes or sandals, celebrating Eid, and going to the Masjid. As a result, the Proza of Bongo were confined to a life of maltreatment until the East Pakistan Estate Acquisition Act of 1950.
In the region of Bongo, between 1793 and 1906, Islamic culture and literature were completely wiped out. Starting in 1858, Bengali literature began to dominate the Bongo culture, shaping an imagined culture from the perspective of the Hindu upper caste. With the formation of the Muslim League in 1906, members initiated Islamic Waz Mahfil gatherings from town to town to raise awareness among Muslims. These gatherings were filled with fabricated stories and Ghazal. It was common for hundreds of people to share a single Quran, especially during times of mourning.
Before the British India Census in 1931, the Muslim League sent a book of Muslim names from village to village to enlist Muslim names for the census. People who could say “Allah” and their father's name were listed as Muslim. This was strongly criticized by the Hindu upper caste, who accused the Muslim League of enlisting Shudra and Dalits as Muslims to inflate the Muslim population in British India. They warned the Muslim League that there would be serious consequences for this. The Muslim League used the same tactic for the 1936-37 British India elections.
As we look into the historical aspect of Indian Muslims, we know for a fact that almost none of them knew Islam's core monotheistic belief except by uttering “Allah.” They were not Muslim or Hindu; the Muslim League only gave them the so-called “Muslim name.” After the creation of Pakistan, the Muslim League got into domestic political crises and never were able to recover from it. That is exactly why Bangladesh and Pakistan's social unrest will never solved. The people of Bangladesh and Pakistan represent nothing except identity crises.
Emerging of Bangladesh
During the 1971 East Pakistan Civil War, various terrorist groups based in India were involved in attacking East Pakistan's infrastructure, looting private property, and stealing livestock.
The violence started in 1969, when the Sarbadaliya Chhatra Sangram Parishad (All Party Students Action Committee) was formed on January 5. Their main demand was an end to dictatorship and the establishment of democracy. There was no mention of Bengali nationalism. Indian agents chanted the slogan "Joy Bangla, Joy Bongobondhu."
Tense situations have existed between Pakistan and India due to territorial disputes since Pakistan's creation. East Pakistan had always claimed all of Bengal and part of Assam, Tripura, and Arakan, which is why the railway was operational until 1965.
The government in exile of the People's Republic of Bangladesh took oath at Baidyanathtala village in the Meherpur district on April 17, 1971, and it's worth noting that Mujib and Zia were not present there. The Indian government and Bhutan recognized Bangladesh and exiled the Bangladesh Government on December 6, 1971.
Additionally, on April 18, 1971, Mukti Bahini was initially organized under the leadership of the exile government's Chief in Command, General Osmani. This group operated from Calcutta and the Indian jungle, and it received support from the Indian BSF, which provided transportation of food, clothes, weapons, and military operational strategy.
It's important to note that aside from Mukti Bahini, three organized groups with their own political agendas existed. Kader Bahini, a criminal gang known for looting and committing extrajudicial killings, had nearly a couple thousand members. If Kader Bahini is not a war criminal, then no one else in the world is a war criminal.
Mujib Bahini aimed to establish Mujibbad, which comprised a few thousand members. Mujibbad did not have a clear political objective. Mujib Bahini first emerged in the early years of 1948 as a group involved in seizing Hindu property and settling land disputes among people in Dhaka. After the creation of Pakistan, almost 80% of the well-educated middle-class Hindus left Dhaka, and Mujib Bahini seized the property left behind by them.
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Students widely admired Mujib for his assistance to rural students who came to Dhaka to study and find accommodation and roommates. Between 1948 and 1966, the majority of students gathered at Madhur Canteen, where Mujib covered the cost of tea and snacks on a monthly basis.
After the 1971 Civil War, the Mujib Bahini split into two groups - the Jatiya Rakkhi Bahini and the Gonobahini. Both factions engaged in intense fighting resembling a gang war. The Gonobahini accused the Rakkhi Bahini of killing 30,000 of their members and blamed Mujib for the killings. Mujib never publicly denied these accusations.
The Purbo Banglar Communist Party was fighting for a Communist Revolution in East Pakistan. They were notorious for stealing livestock and ruthlessly killing people. After the 1971 war, Mujib eliminated the party, including its leader, Siraj Sikder. Pakistan wasn't able to do this from 1969 to 1971, but Mujib did.
?Mukti Bahini had over 30,000 certified and trained guerrillas by the end of November 1971.
On November 7th, 1975, Gonobahini and JSD brought Zia into power, and Razakars kept Zia in power. Zia put to death penalty on thousands of Mujib Bahini and Gonobahini and declared Bangladesh is a Muslim country.
Ziaur Rahman, the sixth President of Bangladesh, was assassinated on May 30, 1981, in the southeastern port city of Chittagong by a faction of so-called Mukti Bahini Army officers. They accused Zia of being pro-Razakars and anti-Muktijodhas. President Zia had wanted to capture the war criminal Kader Siddique, but he fled to India.
After Ziaur Rahman's assassination on 30 May 1981, Lt. General Ershad demonstrated unwavering loyalty to the government. He swiftly commanded the army to suppress Major General Abul Manzoor's coup attempt. Ershad continued to exhibit devotion to the new president, Abdus Sattar, who had secured victory for the BNP in the 1982 elections. Seizing power in a bloodless coup on 24 March 1982 as Chief Martial Law Administrator (CMLA), Ershad replaced President Abdus Sattar with A. F. M. Ahsanuddin Chowdhury.
Behind the scenes, Ataur Rahman Khan was mentoring Lt. General Ershad, who eventually became the Prime Minister of Bangladesh. He built a win-win situation by appeasing both groups – Razakars and the so-called Muktizodah. It is important to note that my father was behind the scenes mentoring Mujib and Zia, but he never took any political-administrative position like Ataur Rahman Khan.
Ershad's tenure in the Presidential office came to an end in 1990 when he was compelled to step down due to a widespread pro-democracy movement spearheaded by Khaleda Zia and Sheikh Hasina.
These two women, Khaleda Zia and Sheikh Hasina, had a significant impact on the political landscape of Bangladesh with their ongoing “Bitch Fight” and “animosity.” They were known for their rivalry over the legacy of the “Declaration of Independence,” including the "Mujib or Zia" debate, and both claimed to represent the ideals of the Bengali people. Khaleda Zia even established a ministry dedicated to Muktijoddha, which her husband never dared to do. This intense power struggle had a profound effect on the country's stability.
Of course, in the last 30 years, I haven't been to Bangladesh, so I know nothing about the cultural shift. However, between 1987 and 1990, the JSD Chhatra League engaged in various terrorist activities in Sylhet. I heard most of them joined BNP after President Ershad stepped down.
I find it very difficult to understand the student movement of 2024 because most of the students involved are around the same age as my children. When I look at them, I see my own daughter and son arguing with me about things that seem nonsensical, and I feel like they see me as their enemy and as old-fashioned because I don't agree with their arguments. It's clear that my generation and this generation of kids are very different. This generation seems to be influenced by social media rather than knowledge, facts, logic, wisdom, or expertise. They are knowledgeable about technology and argue based on that.
In Bangladesh, criminals are glorified, while the good-doers are disrespected. I recently saw a YouTube video about the number one war criminal, Kader Siddique, whom Bengalis call "Bongo Bir." How can the nation be changed?