BOGDANOV'S 'RED STAR' and VAROUFAKIS' 'ANOTHER NOW': TWO VISIONS OF A POST-CAPITALIST FUTURE

Both Alexander Bogdanov ('Red Star', 1908) and Yanis Varoufakis ('Another Now', 2020) use science fiction novels to explore their visions of a post-capitalist future. In 'Red Star', a Russian revolutionary is taken to Mars to see for himself what a communist utopia looks like. In 'Another Now', three contrasting characters gain access, via a computer program, to a parallel universe in which they live in a democratic socialist society. This universe diverged from their own following the 2008 financial crisis. The two authors are seeking to strengthen their damning critiques of capitalism by answering the crucial question: 'What's the alternative? And precisely how would things - like money, companies and housing - work?' (Varoufakis, Guardian, 4/9/2020). The novels are powerful because they each address the big issues of how a post-capitalist society might emerge, how exactly it would operate, and what problems might be encountered.

Bogdanov's 'Bolshevik Utopia' on Mars is the product of steady social evolution over many centuries. Separate countries have disappeared and a common language emerged. The vast undertaking of canal building, necessary for the survival of the Martians, led to advances in science and automation and to the creation of a unified working class. Further, a 'universal science of organisation' (an anticipation of modern systems theory and cybernetics) was developed which made the sum of human knowledge accessible to the working class and equipped them for the role of self-conscious builders of a better society (in a way in which they were not equipped, Bogdanov is hinting, in the Russia of his day). The privileged classes of capitalist society bowed to the inevitable and a largely peaceful transition to communism occurred. Varoufakis' transition to democratic socialism begins with the targetted grass-roots actions of networks of techno-rebels using social media to channel the general discontent with capitalism that followed the 2008 financial crisis. 'Crowdshorters' organise a moratorium on specific debt repayments; 'Solsourcers' the withholding of pension contributions to funds investing in companies that treat their employees badly or harm the environment; 'Bladerunners' organise mass consumer strikes against big-tech companies; 'Environs' target the fossil fuel industry. This 'Ossify Capitalism' movement grows to global proportions, governments are forced to allow banks to fail and to act in support of their citizens rather than bail out, yet again, the capitalist oligarchy.

On communist Mars there is no state, and no markets, money, or authority relations. The 'universal science of organisation' is used to ensure that society is maintained in a state of 'moving equilibrium' providing more than enough for all and guaranteeing social justice. Once the requirements of the population for consumer goods are calculated, production and distribution are organised through a 'Central Institute of Statistics'. This Institute collects data on production rates, inventories, labour needs, etc., and feeds relevant information back to the workers in the enterprises. When divergencies from the plan are indicated, workers willingly transfer their labour power, for example, to increase steel production. Work is voluntary and unpaid because consumption is unlimited. There is no rigidity in these cyber-communist arrangements. The information relayed by the Institute changes every hour to accommodate environmental shocks, new inventions, and the improvement of existing processes. Authority rests with those with the appropriate knowledge and job rotation is encouraged. There is much emphasis in Bogdanov's communism on enhancing the 'comradely co-operation' that naturally develops in the course of unified labour. A 'proletarian culture' values equality and collectivism. People live in planned complexes of industry and residences, set in parkland and with an adjacent meeting hall, department store, and communication centre connecting the settlement to the rest of the planet. All gender discrimination is eliminated, including in names and clothing. Children are raised and educated collectively with parents visiting when and for as long as they wish. There are Scientific Research Institutes and Museums celebrating the dignity of labour. Monuments celebrate collective achievements rather than heroes.

By 2025, following the success of the 'Ossify Capitalism' movement, egalitarian post-capitalist societies are well-established in Varoufakis' alternative reality. A state of plenty does not yet exist, as on Mars, and markets for goods and services still operate. Indeed, once the distortions introduced by contemporary capitalism are eliminated, we can have fully-fledged markets which serve useful purposes. At the centre of this 'democratic socialist' vision of society is a 'corpo-syndicalism' in which full democracy pertains in the economic as well as the political sphere. This does require the abolition of the labour market. Corporations are owned and run by their staff, all of whom acquire a single share when they join and have one vote on matters of strategic importance. There are no bosses or hierarchy. Workers decide which projects and teams they engage with. Order relies on their sense of personal responsibility. 5% of company revenue goes to the government to provide infrastructure, key utilities and certain payments to citizens (there are no income, sales, etc. taxes), with the rest divided, according to vote, to cover fixed costs, invest in R & D, pay the same basic wage to all, and pay bonuses to those deemed by the workforce to have excelled. This set-up ends trading in shares (the essence of capitalism), thereby rendering stock markets redundant, and leaving corporations better able to serve society's needs. As a check on the latter, Citizens' Juries hold corporations to account on the basis of a Socialworthiness index. A Central Bank, independent of government, uses a variety of measures of performance (not just GDP) to decide when to adjust the money supply to regulate prices and encourage the production of socially valued goods and services. It is overseen by a Citizens' Monetary Assembly. The bank also provides all citizens with a Personal Capital Account which holds their basic pay and bonuses, their Legacy Fund (received at birth from the State), and a universal income guaranteeing them freedom from need. Individuals can use money from their account to lend to companies for interest, thus ensuring capital flow and accumulation. All land is publicly owned through County Associations (existing landlords being granted free life-long leases). These Associations distribute the land between social and commercial zones, collecting rent from the commercial zones for social housing and social enterprises. Use of commercial buildings is subject to an annual bidding system to ensure fair rental prices. There is next to nothing in 'Another Now' on the development of the sort of 'comradely co-operation' that Bogdanov saw as necessarily accompanying economic changes in the construction of post-capitalism. On the other hand Varoufakis, unlike Bogdanov, cannot escape the issue of global imbalances. In his alternative reality, an International Monetary Project has been agreed. This fully automated system imposes levies on countries running significant surpluses or deficits. The money raised is distributed in development funds to the poorest countries and used to help them to run low-carbon economies.

The main problem facing Martian communism is what Bogdanov sees as the never-ending struggle with the natural environment. In the course of development, natural resources can become exhausted and climate change occur as forests are cut down:

"No, there are considerable difficulties everywhere, and the tighter our humanity closes ranks to conquer nature, the tighter the elements close theirs to avange the 'victory'".

He also describes problems arising from population growth, the use of atomic energy and advances in bio-medicine.

In 'Another Now', the different perspectives of the three protagonists leads to intense debate about the pros and cons of the democratic socialist alternative. As one commentator suggests (McCarthy, The Monthly, 24/10/2020), and Varoufakis accepts, these wrangles represent the push and pull of unresolved issues in his own head and heart: the tech-utopian, the revolutionary leftist and the rational economist. There is acknowledgement of the achievements of capitalism - lifting many millions out of poverty, providing significant freedom to the better off, and encouraging innovation and investment. The characters agree, however, that there is much to admire in the alternative system, especially when they reflect on the dark sides of capitalism exposed again by the Covid pandemic - the gross inequalities, the increasing power and wealth of companies such as Amazon which treat their workers despicably. There are long discussions about whether abolishing capitalism necessarily leads to a fair and sustainable society. Simply tackling economic issues potentially leaves patriarchy, racism, and informal hierarchy and bullying intact, and doesn't prevent a continued emphasis on economic growth which despoils the environment. One character insists that the democratic socialism they witness does not go far enough. The continued existence of markets is always going to be incompatible with a just society. Markets provide opportunities for shady operators to exploit (the 2022 'crunch' that occurred in the alternative society provides a vivid example) and fertile ground for various forms of discrimination to persist. According to this argument, market exchange 'dissolves' what makes us human - exchange values dominate over doing things together for their own sake. The good is not truly sovereign. It is even possible that this form of democratic socialism will delay a genuine revolution that sees the final end of markets. This protagonist prefers to wait until 'Star Trek communism' becomes possible and the ability to meet everyone's material needs provides complete freedom from markets. Although Varoufakis does not refer to Bogdanov's work, it is very obviously relevant here. Star Trek communism is Martian abundance communism. And Bogdanov proffers a way, using advanced technology, to design such an economy with the information processing potential to match that of the market and accurately plan production on the basis of what consumers want next. The characters remain worried about the authoritarian and bureaucratic possibilities inherent in such systems, as exhibited by the Soviet model. But the example of companies such as Amazon, which are able to anticipate our needs, suggests to them that more decentralised versions of a planned economy might be possible. This, of course, is what Stafford Beer was seeking to achieve for the Allende government in Chile,

Towards the end of 'Another Now', the three characters get a one-off opportunity to leave their current world and cross over permanently to the reality of the democratic socialist society that they have been observing. No spoilers from me. But we might all ask ourselves 'what would I do?'. In my youth, I would have jumped at the opportunity. Approaching old age, with a comfortable living guaranteed by capitalism, and socialised into its ways of behaving and acting, probably not. But it is the 50% + of the world's population under 30, and the 90% + of the world's population who share only 14% of the world's wealth, who we should really be asking.

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