3 Takeaways From My Visit to Kosovo

I spent last week in Kosovo, which to some is Europe's youngest independent country, and to others is merely a breakaway territory of Serbia. The trip was exceptionally interesting and provided a window into understanding this complex territory. Here are 3 takeaways from my trip, based entirely on my own observations...

1: Integration is just not happening and polarisation is rife

Kosovars (ethnic Albanians) live in almost entirely separate communities to the distinct Serb minority which is present within the territory. This separation is completely noticeable, as the communities each of these ethnic groups inhabit are visually very different.

For example, in Pristina (Kosovo's self-declared capital), which is heavily majority populated by Kosovars, everything is in Albanian, whilst Albanian and Kosovar historical figures are pride of place in the square. Additionally, signs of NATO, American and Western adoration and influence are everywhere, and the sense that Kosovo is a totally independent state.

However, you go just five miles south of Pristina, to the town of Grachanitsa (spelt phonetically), which is majority Serb populated, and the story is very different. Grachanitsa just appears as a pocket of Serbia itself. Serbian flags and adverts for Serbian political parties line the streets, as does anti-NATO and anti-Western graffiti.

This story is the same in the same across all of the Serb enclaves within Kosovo. In the northern city of Mitrovica, where Serb and Kosovar communities are literally divided by a river, it's like walking from Tirana into Belgrade within 100 metres. Neither side wants to hear what the other has to say, and even if they did, it's highly unlikely that they'd find common ground.

2: The Kosovars relationship with the history of the territory is confusing to say the least

Talking about the history of Kosovo is a sure fire way to make enemies, as it is an everlastingly sensitive topic. However to not talk about it at all is almost impossible, due to it being the very foundation upon which Kosovo came to the attention of the world.

I will not touch upon the entire history of the territory right now, it's simply too long and complex to summarise briefly and honestly. Instead, I will relate the confusing nature of the Kosovars relationship with history to one specific event - the 1389 Battle of Kosovo Polje. This is a critical event in the territory's history, as it's when the Ottomans defeated the Serbs, taking the territory for themselves and leading to the mass exodus of the Serb population.

It is an event which is often used by Serbia to support its claim that they were the original inhabitants of Kosovo, and that the Albanians collaborated with the Ottomans to become the dominant population in the region. The typical Kosovar response to this, is that actually it was both Serbs and Albanians who fought against, and subsequently suffered under the Ottomans.

Such a retort wouldn't be a problem (or in any way confusing) if there wasn't now such seeming adoration for the Ottoman era of rule over Kosovo. What is particularly confusing about this stance is when it's cross examined with the historical narrative taken by Albanians against the Serbs, which is that they were colonisers of historical Albanian territory. Whether this is true or not, we simply can't fully testify, but what we can definitely testify is that the Ottomans, who are now held in adoration, were absolutely colonisers of Kosovo, and yet they seem to be given a free pass by the Kosovars.

You may be wondering what such 'adoration' is like to witness, so let me explain.

Just north of Pristina, is the Gazimestan Monument, which is a highly secure site that was constructed by the Yugoslav government to remember the Serb losses at the Battle of Kosovo Polje. This site is exceptionally controversial amongst Kosovar communities, and many wish for it to be removed completely, citing that it evokes Serb imperialism. Just 2km north west of Gazimestan, is the tomb of Sultan Murad, the leader of the Ottomans during the same battle. This site is seen by many Kosovars as being incredibly important to their identity, despite it definitively standing as a symbol of an imperialist regime of the past. One which stripped control of Kosovo from its inhabitants and altered its cultural make up forever.

3: Kosovo is the ultimate example for the idea that 'the winners get to determine the narrative'

There is no area in which this is more true than with regards to the Kosovo Liberation Army (UCK), who were the guerilla force formed to take up arms against the Yugoslavs and push for an independent Kosovo. Their mission was ultimately a success, as can be seen by Kosovo's status today. The UCK are lauded and heralded by the Kosovars, creating an image that without any digging paints the organisation as one of martyrs and freedom fighters. The UCK's logo is everywhere in Kosovo, from bus air fresheners, to headstones, to billboards.

Despite this though, the UCK were actually a prescribed terrorist organisation, who were found to be guilty of numerous war crimes, including the running of camps dedicated to torture and ethnic cleansing. The level of the UCK crimes were dwarfed by those committed by the Yugoslav Army and Special Operations Units, but nonetheless that doesn't make the UCK's actions excusable and their portrayal as anything other than heroes easily palatable.

Aside from the UCK, the other area in which this idea is exceptionally prevalent is with regards to NATO and its role in securing Kosovo's de facto independence. Today, NATO's KFOR peacekeeping force essentially upholds Kosovo's status quo, and so is seen by the majority Kosovar population as being a force for good and a liberator. Whilst it's true that NATO's direct involvement in Kosovo was vital to stop Yugoslav war crimes against ethnic Albanians, going around Kosovo you would think that this is all their involvement amounted to, with monuments constructed in honour of the organisation.

However, we know that NATO's involvement in Kosovo stretches far beyond its direct involvement. As part of NATO's strategy to 'liberate' Kosovo, it broke its own doctrine of engagement and bombed the rest of Yugoslavia, killing between 1,000 and 1,500 Serb civilians in doing so.

In Kosovo, none of the monuments dedicated to NATO explain or even accept such actions as a sort of caveat to the organisation's involvement. Instead the narrative is very much dictated by the victor and incumbent rulers of the territory.